What is the core logical mistake that makes somebody susceptible to the duopoly-based, culture war grievance brainrot our ruling class produces? How did the class enemy successfully convince Americans to become at each other’s throats in 2020, and do the bidding of those who are behind our engineered collapse? What it did with this manipulation was get people to project the American exceptionalist ideology’s own immaturity and binary thinking onto dissident politics, including communism.
The spectre of communism, among other counter-hegemonic ideas, was beginning to tangibly haunt the nation by that time; so the establishment’s propaganda responded by accusing communists and other dissidents of wanting to subvert reality, in the fashion of Karl Rove’s maxim that “when we act, we create our own reality.” After those within my tendency had come to the Marxist-Leninist position, and recognized our era’s geopolitical conflict as being a confrontation between imperialism and multipolar politics, we stood accused of wanting to forcibly transform the society in which we live.
This is the essence of what right-wingers mean when they assert communists are “woke”: they’re accusing us of denying the inescapable rules within civilization, and arrogantly seeking to reshape reality in our own image. To be sure, plenty of self-described Marxists have made this error, but the journey we’ve been is one of learning to reject such megalomaniacal thinking. Throughout all this time, the goal of regime shills has been to conflate all revolutionary politics with such hubristic egocentrism, sending the message that if you think the hegemony can be beaten, you’re nothing but an idealist.
When the ruling class orchestrated the “anti-woke” psyop, it was able to take advantage of the Manichean framework within the American psyche—the framework that says all of history is a conflict between the pure divine side, and the forces of the devil. It was through this lens that the communist movement—or rather the nucleus of what would become today’s communist movement—was attacked from the right. And this tactic of painting us as Satanic Democrats worked quite well for a while, yet it wasn’t sustainable.
Since then, American communism has gained a true sense of self for the first time in generations. It’s done so by breaking from the leftist convention that tails behind the Democrats, and aligning itself with the same exploratory, unruly American spirit which was behind the earliest counter-hegemonic trends after Covid. These trends were the amorphous, angry conspiracy politics that arose in reaction to all the lies our government relied on to carry out its pandemic power grabs.
This raw distrust among the masses was demonized by the liberals, including ones who today are trying to pivot towards these same populist elements; at the time, AOC was attacking everyone in these conspiracy circles as a KKK white supremacist, contrasting with her more recent statement that “woke 1.0” was “crazy.” This tactical shift is about trying to capture the same popular energy that our movement is now capturing, and that in time will make communism mainstream again. Whereas our foes on the liberal side were once weaponizing the Manichean logic in a “progressive” way, and vilifying everyone who rejects the left critical theories, they’ve since then rushed to disavow this politics. The only way to have mass appeal now is by making it look like you’ve transcended the culture wars; otherwise the masses will immediately recognize you as just another grifter.
By the end of 2024, when Americans had come to be newly unified around outrage towards their government, it was clear that none of the ruling class-backed ideologies can sway the people like they used to. It was a short turnaround from 2020, and it could happen so speedily because America’s crises had already reached a point of obvious urgency; when Americans saw that neither party was willing to fix the economic slump, and their government instead kept entering into new wars, the old cultural fights suddenly no longer seemed to matter.
For communists, a critical lesson comes from noticing that we didn’t bring about these great advances in consciousness; we’re not the ones who got Americans to become ready for revolution. This happened because our civilization’s evolutionary processes revealed themselves in a new way, and the conditions prompted the masses to apply dialectical thinking. Because of this process, our task is no longer to educate the masses, like it was a decade ago; at this stage our main task is building the organizational power the masses will need to win, and leading them to victory.
The Zionist right-wing Laura Loomer types hope to regain discourse control by discrediting the very idea of fighting for something. Their best hope of convincing the American people not to do revolution is by spreading nihilism about our bleak situation, and encouraging apathy in the face of the class enemy’s attacks. This “military nihilism” ideology, where you passively accept rule by the U.S. war machine, is thankfully limited to the right-wing intellectual types; it’s not a kind of propaganda that affects the working families and poor people who our work puts us into contact with. The military nihilist psyop still poses a threat, though, in that it’s part of a much bigger problem: too many within the post-Covid generation are falling into the hikikomori lifestyle. Too many are looking at how bad the world has become, and making the seemingly rational calculus that it’s best to retreat into inertness.
This apathy is what the Epsteinite regime depends on, and there are millions of isolated teens or twenty-somethings who’ve already embraced it. The purpose of the Laura Loomer bots is to stop these individuals from escaping inertia, with the strategy being to create a synthetic online discourse that no one can see past. If you’re only looking at the surface, automated regime propaganda is all you’ll see. Until we break out of our marginal status, we won’t be able to show the bulk of the masses that there’s an alternative.
Our focus needs to be on overcoming this limitation, which we can only do by redoubling our community service and labor organizing work. These are the main activities we must ramp up; building up our movement’s online brand is critical, but the only way to prove ourselves is by going into the masses to an extent we haven’t so far. The more we build up these alternative community power structures, the more we fill the gaps in material support and working-class leadership, the more ineffectual the regime’s demoralization psyops will become.
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