Tuesday, May 12, 2026

The Fuentes/socdem pro-Democrat alliance, & the working-class movement that will sweep it away


Above: American communists celebrate Victory Day in 2026.

We are facing off against an alliance between the covertly Zionist right, and the Atlanticists who cloak their fascist agenda behind “progressive” rhetoric. Between the Nick Fuentes camp, which advocates for voting Democrat as a supposed way of spiting the Republican establishment, and the “democratic socialists” who push the Democrats as a substitute for genuine working-class politics. Both factions are completely dishonest in their presentation, dedicated to serving the duopoly and the globalist death machine while advertising themselves as allies of the people. And the workers movement is capable of defeating them, if we approach this fight while understanding each battle’s character.

Mao described how even though our enemies are detached from the masses, and will inevitably destroy themselves, we can only win against them by treating each stage of the fight with great seriousness:


We have developed a concept over a long period for the struggle against the enemy, namely, strategically we should despise all our enemies, but tactically we should take them all seriously. In other words, with regard to the whole we must despise the enemy, but with regard to each specific problem we must take him seriously…Strategically, we take the eating of a meal lightly, we are sure we can manage it. But when it comes to the actual eating, it must be done mouthful by mouthful, you cannot swallow an entire banquet at one gulp. This is called the piecemeal solution and is known in military writings as destroying the enemy forces one by one.


There’s a reason why the Fuentes right and the social fascists have become the predominant agents of woke imperialism and reformism. They fulfill roles that the ruling class needs to be embodied, and have been elevated for their ability to deceive. Fuentes has a limited role within this structure of manipulation, but the purpose he serves is essential, and his new task of assisting the Democrats makes his function all the more clear. Fuentes was promoted by the algorithms so that he could promote a right-wing aesthetic version of liberal modernity, the cultural vehicle through which Zionism sells itself. Fuentes advocates for copying the Zionist model within America, viewing “Israeli” society as something to aspire to; which explains why he propagates the values of Jeffrey Epstein, framing ruling-class child exploitation as banal. This is the height of Zionist thinking, where post-irony is used to justify any and all depravity.


That the Fuentes psyop has been directed towards aiding the Democrats is the ultimate proof of the “vote blue” position’s hollowness and hypocrisy. To refute this position, though, we must overcome the power of the post-ironic ideology that’s utilized by both the rightist and “progressive” Democratic Party agents. This is an ideology that has no connection to the collective sense of honor which defines proletarian politics. We must understand we are dealing with actors who don’t share the patriotic beliefs that are behind revolutionary politics, and that are shared by the bulk of the masses.


We beat these anti-people ideas by appealing towards this patriotic worldview which the masses inherently share with us. By showing the masses that our anti-duopoly agenda is the purest embodiment of the desire for one’s country to thrive; which these charlatans claim to want, but in a purely demagogic way. No path that serves the duopoly can bring the people to victory. Being pro-duopoly is the first sign that a political figure is aligned with the Epstein agenda, and is a covert enemy of the people. 


To serve the duopoly is to serve the modern version of the fascist dictatorship structure, the structure in which the bourgeoisie perfected the state’s machinery for suppressing the workers. Today, there is no need for classic fascism, because the model of bourgeois democracy (an optimal tool for social control in its own right) has been able to crush working-class power with nearly total success. The only challenge to this hegemony is the recent re-emergence of working-class organizational power, which could pose a threat to the next ruling-class designs. The creation of these post-ironic pro-duopoly figures is about preemptively poisoning our discourse so that the workers can’t rise again, and the system maintains dominance amid unprecedented capitalist crisis.


In our task of defeating this pro-duopoly alliance, one of the best places to look is in the anti-fascist theories which our forebears put together. They were facing highly distinct conditions from ours, and were fighting against a historically specific enemy that can no longer properly exist. Yet their theories are among the most applicable resources we can seek out, because they developed these theories at a time when the struggle was producing immortal lessons for the proletariat. The strength of the working class from that time was vastly greater than it is today, and we must take example from these forces which were so much stronger than us. This is the context in which I point to Dimitrov’s analysis about how to draw the masses away from the fascist position:


In order to be able to strike a telling blow at the fascist dictatorship, we must first find out what is its most vulnerable point. What is the Achilles' heel of the fascist dictatorship? Its social basis. The latter is extremely heterogeneous. It is made up of various strata of society. Fascism has proclaimed itself the sole representative of all classes and strata of the population: the manufacturer and the worker, the millionaire and the unemployed, the Junker and the small peasant, the big businessman and the artisan. It pretends to defend the interests of all these strata, the interests of the nation. But since it is a dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie, fascism must inevitably come into conflict with its mass social basis, all the more since, under the fascist dictatorship, the class contradictions between the pack of financial magnates and the overwhelming majority of the people are brought out in greatest relief.


We can lead the masses to a decisive struggle for the overthrow of the fascist dictatorship only by getting the workers who have been forced into the fascist organizations, or have joined them through ignorance, to take part in the most elementary movements for the defense of their economic, political and cultural interests.


The far-right wing within today’s pro-duopoly alliance uses these same rhetorical tactics of universalist, classless appeals. So does the “progressive” wing, in its own way; the essence of what the socdems are putting forth is crude economism, where a demagogue promises that all will be uplifted by panacea reforms. No matter how much the historical conditions change, our class enemies find themselves returning to the same set of tricks. And the workers must rediscover the ways in which their class has combated these tricks, even as we’re forced to adopt new forms of practice and organization. We can defeat these demagogues by exposing how the duopoly parties are total enemies of the workers, and giving the workers leadership in their next battles. By doing so, we will build the patriotic popular alliance that can crush the enemy’s alliance.

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