There is a growing split among the ruling pedocrats, one that’s come about due to rising anti-imperialist resistance. And the more this movement advances, the greater the divisions inside the power structure will grow. This is the principle that can let us reverse the power balance, and end the period of mass apathy that our rulers have engineered.
Setting up America for a takeover by the Soros wing
This apathy is the product of a major new offensive by the financial monopolists, undertaken in response to the destabilization of their productive system and a rise in mass awareness about the designs of the world’s rulers. The unprecedented power consolidations and attacks on civil liberties that came after the “spandemic” scheme provoked a mass backlash. This backlash would overcome many of the old culture war divisions, and it would grow as our government embarked on multiple new wars.
With the October 2023 action by Gaza’s resistance coalition, and the following explosion in anti-Zionist sentiments worldwide, the globe’s revolutionary forces were overall making gains. This changed when the initial pro-Palestine energy fizzled out, and the imperial hegemon rapidly expanded its assaults against the world’s free peoples. The selective release of the Epstein files in January 2026 succeeded in creating a sense of helplessness, and in normalizing the crimes of our ruling class. But inside the pedocracy, the recent upsets continue to have repercussions, creating anxieties about the future that will inevitably lead to greater infighting.
The effort to turn Epstein into a psyop may have succeeded, but the operation itself represented a great escalation in the conflicts among the ruling class. The campaign to release the files was joined in on by a specific wing of the political establishment; this being the one that’s supported by the Open Society foundations, and is increasingly at odds with the old guard Democratic establishment. Ro Khanna helped in the push for releasing the files, because he’s part of this faction inside the Democratic Party.
The “progressive” faction’s goal is to replace the Netanyahu-aligned American Zionist leadership with a more liberal model of governance; one that would give social benefits to the metropolitan benefactors of today’s unevenly developed “k-shaped economy,” while bringing Palestine towards a two-state solution. Epstein was part of this faction; he was a liberal two-stater, and he sought to promote a faux-left kind of imperialist politics through influencing his friend Noam Chomsky. This faction seeks compromise in order to stave off the next imperialist crises, which are coming regardless of the latest ruling-class victories.
Soros believes that a radical restructuring is needed to save the system, and his faction’s disputes with the other oligarchs about how to go about this restructuring will bring a civil war between these factions. Soros himself is too old to be able to live much longer, but his model of two-statist maneuvering and “progressive” social engineering is likely to soon become predominant; this is why Peter Thiel has decided to relocate to Argentina. After the Soros wing carried out the Covid lockdowns, the ruling class soon pivoted towards uplifting the Musk/Thiel wing, but this was only a temporary switch-up.
The method of social control that Soros represents has great favor among the pedocrats, whose child sacrifice rings have personally welcomed Soros into the deepest high-level Satanic circles. This is according to eyewitness accounts by Anne Marie Van Blijenburgh, whose mafia husband facilitated blood sacrifices via the Dutch Satanic child trafficking network; Soros is listed in these accounts as one of the individuals who’ve been invited to such events, which places him above someone like Musk within the hierarchy.
Musk is someone who tried and failed to get into Epstein parties, while Soros is at the center of the umbrella pedophile structure that created Epstein. Epstein was only one part of this larger network, which groomed him to take on a role of connecting domestic U.S. capital with the Netanyahu wing in “Israeli” politics. Epstein has now been turned into a tool for tearing down the Trump faction, and for setting up a transition into the Soros era.
A dispute over how to respond to the system’s problems
The Thiel wing’s response towards the discrediting of the Zionist project, and the unavoidable backlash towards growing wealth inequality, is to simply invest more into surveillance and repression. Palantir’s ideological program aims to leave the masses with nothing, and to wage full war on the population like “Israel” does to the Palestinians. It’s from the Open Society, World Economic Forum wing that comes the “you’ll own nothing and be happy” idea, in which our rulers will create utopian cities to accommodate a population that’s lived through rapid technological lifestyle upheavals.
The problem with the WEF’s plan is that only the ones profiting from the k-shaped economy can be part of these urban havens. All other social classes can only keep being pushed out of life opportunities. This is where our anti-systemic popular trends can gain an advantage against both wings of capital. We must rally the majority of the people who won’t receive these bribes from the liberal social engineers, building an organized force that brings the system to its end.
The politics of this movement can only take a form that reflects the classes which it’s meant to serve; those being the ones that share a fundamental material interest in the defeat of the U.S. empire, and the overthrow of all of its pedocratic leaders. (Not just one faction among them.) The competing ruling class wings have created false anti-Epstein movements, such as the No Kings protests, that seek to funnel support into one wing of the establishment. Predictably these movements have drawn from parts of the population that themselves share some stake in the system, like how the No Kings base is mainly made up of petty-bourgeois professionals from the boomer generation. To escape this trap of assisting in controlled opposition, we will have to go lower and deeper into the people than you can find by looking at the already politically active individuals.
We’ll need to go into the working families, the disillusioned post-Covid generation members, and the others who are ready for revolution but don’t yet have the tools to act. And to figure out what it means to act effectively against our class enemies, we must ask the same questions that Lenin implored aspiring revolutionaries to ask. He said we must figure out
not only whether we have convinced the vanguard of the revolutionary class, but also whether the historically effective forces of all classes—positively of all the classes in a given society, without exception—are arrayed in such a way that the decisive battle is at hand—in such a way that: (1) all the class forces hostile to us have become sufficiently entangled, are sufficiently at loggerheads with each other, have sufficiently weakened themselves in a struggle which is beyond their strength; (2) all the vacillating and unstable, intermediate elements—the petty bourgeoisie and the petty-bourgeois democrats, as distinct from the bourgeoisie—have sufficiently exposed themselves in the eyes of the people, have sufficiently disgraced themselves through their practical bankruptcy, and (3) among the proletariat, a mass sentiment favouring the most determined, bold and dedicated revolutionary action against the bourgeoisie has emerged and begun to grow vigorously.
The crises of 21st century imperialism have brought our different enemies to loggerheads, and they’ll soon become much more violently at odds with each other. The petty-bourgeois reinforcers of the imperial order are in the process of exposing themselves, with Democrat projects like No Kings failing to bring any of the changes the working masses badly desire. Among the proletariat and the declassed workers, the sentiments have already become decisively in favor of revolution.
What’s left is for a revolutionary leadership to emerge, one that can outmaneuver its foes and lead the masses to victory. To put ourselves in place for this, we must bring together all the different political forces that are anti-Epstein in a principled way—as in they oppose not just Epstein or Trump, but both wings of our political establishment. If we expose the parts of our pedocratic order that the media hasn’t talked about, and that were kept out of the files, we’ll be able to force the discourse into a new realm where the popular forces are in control. This is among the tasks we’ll need to execute during the new class warfare era we’ve entered into.
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