Wednesday, June 24, 2026

The Soros plan for assaulting China: build a Hitlerite movement under the “democratic socialist” brand


How can the imperialists effectively wage war against China amid the split that’s emerged between the United States and the European Union? The solution that the Soros wing has is to build a new fascist movement, based within the Hitlerite tactic of co-opting “socialism,” so that finance capital can rally the social elements which are most susceptible to warmongering demagoguery.

These elements are not the Christian Zionists and boomers who make up the minority that support the Iran war. And they’re not the shut-ins who are being pulled in by the apathetically pro-war “military nihilist” psyop, though these types do make up an important piece of America’s new fascist movement. The core socdem neocon base is the strata of urbanized workers who are either professional-managerial class, or identify with the PMC and seek to become bribed on its level. These are the individuals who will foremost get behind the Taiwan proxy war that the Democrats are pressuring Trump to start.


This is a Hitlerite movement because like National Socialism, it offers a false promise of salvation for the rural workers, one made to create a base for finance capital’s genocidal designs. The “democratic socialist” politics of this movement, backed by Soros through his family and his Open Society projects, is supposed to be about lifting up the workers as a whole. Really it’s about giving more imperialist super-profits to the beneficiaries of the “k-shaped economy,” who overwhelmingly live within the metropole and aren’t part of the actual working class. 


When the Nazis implemented their “economic miracle,” brought about by infusions from the global financiers, the rural workers were left behind and further disenfranchised. Likewise, the social democrats of our era will let the rural masses continue to be subjected towards engineered collapse. Their social reforms will mainly apply to the big cities, which are what liberalism prioritizes as a rule.


This movement’s spokespeople are trying to trick the broader working masses into seeing their agenda as genuinely pro-working class. Socdem figures are making appeals towards America’s revolutionary heritage, like when AOC implied that 1776 aligns with what the socdems want to do. This is the fascist tactic that Dimitrov identified, with his conclusion being that unless communists take ownership over a nation’s history and patriotic spirit, the fascists will:


Under no circumstances must we underrate fascism's power of ideological infection. On the contrary, we for our part must develop an extensive ideological struggle based on clear, popular arguments and a correct, well thought out approach to the peculiarities of the national psychology of the masses of the people. The fascists are rummaging through the entire history of every nation so as to be able to pose as the heirs and continuators of all that was exalted and heroic in its past, while all that was degrading or offensive to the national sentiments of the people they make use of as weapons against the enemies of fascism. Hundreds of books are being published in Germany with only one aim -- to falsify the history of the German people and give it a fascist complexion.


The socdem tendency that we’re facing in the modern U.S. is absolutely parallel to fascism. Because unlike the socdems from Dimitrov’s moment in history, these ones have the role as central drivers of the imperial death machine, and of the campaign to eliminate dissent. This is critical to recognize as the socdems increasingly become elevated by our ruling class, and we may soon be living under a social-democratic government. Within Marxism, there is a debate over whether we should ally with the socdems, and the side that supports such an alliance points to the past times when this was a sensible policy. But pursuing this policy today would only subordinate us to the fascist movement that the socdems are helping build.


Dimitrov observed how “in countries having Social-Democratic governments, the Communists, by utilizing appropriate individual demands taken from the platforms of the Social-Democratic ministers as a starting point for achieving joint action with the Social-Democratic Parties and organizations, can afterwards more easily develop a campaign for the establishment of a united front on the basis of other mass demands in the struggle against the capitalist offensive, against fascism and the threat of war.” What does it mean, though, when the socdems are among the foremost actors who are creating the threat of war? 


At this year’s Munich conference, AOC made the modern socdem movement’s goals clear by saying that Trump hasn’t done enough to attack Russia and Venezuela. In time, AOC and the other “progressives” will join the Democratic leadership in calling for escalations on Taiwan. This is a situation that’s distinct from the one which the revolutionaries were facing during the Third Reich era, when it did make sense for communists to enter an anti-fascist popular front with liberal reformists. Today, the liberal reformists are among the equivalents to the fascists, and could become the core facilitators of the present genocidal offensive.


This socdem neocon agenda is the next direction of the PMC and the urbanite nonproductive workers, who’ve found themselves adrift and are looking for a way forward. By cultivating a “progressive” push for ramped-up wars, Soros is reaching out to the core base of the compatible left. The professionals whose creative roles have been coming under threat from AI; the aspiring labor aristocrats who pursue narrow craft unionism because it will let them have careers as baristas; these are the social classes with the most reason to become fanatic supporters of the next wars. They’re who the Soros wing can use to build a cultural alliance between America’s liberals, and the parts of European society that want a break from China.


The bigger picture is that the U.S. empire is breaking apart, with the growing PMC/urbanite anxieties reflecting this unavoidable entropy. Even if the Soros wing succeeds in installing AOC and bringing war with China, this can only speed up the splintering of the power structure, exposing more of its contradictions and causing its factions to fight amongst each other. The socdem movement is itself built upon a self-defeating contradiction: it depends on appealing to independents and MAGA voters, yet it can only benefit the nonproductive urbanites who support Washington’s war on the global working class. Inevitably this will produce a split.


If the socdems get the presidency, their brand will unravel, like the old MAGA unraveled after Trump betrayed his base a second time. We can’t defeat the designs of the Soros wing by waiting for this to happen, though. We have to wage an active struggle against the socdem neocons, and against the nihilist far right that they’re increasingly allied with. At this stage, the best way we can combat these foes is by building an anti-Epstein coalition; one that’s not like the partisan “No Kings” Epstein demonstrations, but is a dissident united front between communists and anti-establishment conservatives/libertarians. 


This lets us present a positive alternative to the forces we’re fighting against, while exposing the socdem neocons for their true role as enemies of the working masses. They’ve pivoted towards using rhetoric that sounds populist in the vein of MAGA, yet their goal is to fortify the position of the financiers and the metropolitan finance lackeys. If they attack us for building a coalition with MAGA or libertarians, they’ll be showing how phony this new brand of theirs is. 


Getting them to reveal their hand is an appropriate goal at the present moment, because right now the battlefield on which we are fighting exists in the narrative realm. If we seize control of the narrative away from the socdems, we can build into the masses and the workers movement without being hindered by their political deceptions. Which is how we become positioned for the larger confrontation against banking rule, and against its war machine.

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