The Nazi states of Ukraine and “Israel” are the idols that the U.S. empire uses to rally support for its escalating fascist offensive. They both have cult fanbases, distinct but increasingly in overlap with each other, that are devoted to the wars for extermination which these Satanic regimes pursue. Zionism, like Azovism, is a “lebensraum” ideology that says the chosen people have the right to take their mythically granted territory. And like the Zionists, the rulers of fascist Kiev have been using all methods necessary to pick off the undesirables who stand in the way of their mission. In both Gaza and Donbass, the fascist aggressors are using drones as a means for mass murder, sending a warning to the whole world that no one could outrun their weapons. They want us to believe our homes will also become killing fields if we defy the Hitlerite agenda.
Part of how Washington has been selling this violence is by simply treating it as another normal policy, fitting with Trump 2.0’s posture of unapologetic atrocities and open fascism. The other aspect of it, though, has involved whitewashing the crimes of these regimes—particularly Ukraine—so that fascism can remain obscured among today’s left-leaning people. The Ukraine psyop, in which a heroic nation has supposedly been forced to fight off an unprovoked aggressor, remains an extremely valuable narrative tool for our enemies that we haven’t yet sufficiently weakened. Washington can also use it to whitewash the Gaza genocide by extension, because when solidarity with Donbass stays undermined, solidarity with Gaza stays weakened as well. History tells us how to outmaneuver these kinds of pro-fascist psyops, though.
This is not the first time our ruling class has tried to distract the workers from the reality of a global fascist offensive. When Wall Street and London installed Hitler to serve as their ultimate weapon against communism, the monopoly-financial elites behind this scheme did all that they could to soothe the ensuing fears from the masses. The media treated Hitler as a figure of respect, and the original plan was to turn the United States into a country that would wholeheartedly ally with him (as evidenced by the 1933 “bankers plot” to replace Roosevelt in a fascist coup).
The pro-Hitler side couldn’t keep the public’s support after the fascist war machine had activated its plans for genocidal aggression, and the anti-Hitler reaction was so strong that it overcame the American people’s profound antiwar sentiment. As the Nazi-aligned actors tried to twist antiwar feelings into apathy towards Germany’s horrors, using organizations like the America First Committee to further such covertly fascist ideas, their best strategy was to weaken the workers movement from within. To spread an agenda of class collaboration, which was fully aligned with the idea of fascist capitulation and advanced the mission to Nazify America.
The great concession they got from the working-class forces was the agreement that there would be no strikes during wartime. This was not just something that the Communist Party’s right-wing reformist Earl Browder camp supported. William Z. Foster got behind the no-strike policy as well, persuaded by the very most insidious manipulations by the ultra-reactionaries inside the labor bureaucracy. Foster pointed out the presence of America First members in the American Federation of Labor, yet he objectively ended up serving their interests by getting behind worker demobilization. Another act of compromise towards fascism by the communist party was when it backed the creation of the Zionist entity. All of those within the “old left,” Foster included, affirmed the narrative about the Jewish workers having been justified in forming their own state.
The American workers movement wasn’t in place to fight the battles it had been tasked with, whether against the employers, the state, or the newly hegemonic U.S. imperial project. The core of the problem was that American communism couldn’t fully comprehend the framework of struggle which the Global South’s popular movements were operating within. The American workers movement was so vulnerable because even though it understood the menace of fascism, there was a separation from the fight the colonized proletariat has waged against fascism’s incubator—that incubator being the system of imperialism, which created fascism to prevent revolution within the core extractive countries. Fascism wasn’t an exception, it was something that grew out of colonialism. And the failure to understand what this meant brought about the temporary failure of American communism.
Because of this separation between the worker struggle here and the struggles of the Global South, fascism could find countless ways to trick its opposition. It’s because of this same problem that today’s default “communist” parties take a position which entirely benefits fascist Ukraine and the Hitlerite NATO entity. Which, by extension, benefits the extermination campaign of the Zionists in West Asia. The Communist Party of Greece, the leading force in today’s dogmatic opportunism, takes the “inter-imperialist war” position on Ukraine. And this is absolutely related to the party’s efforts at framing the Jewish settlers in Palestine as fellow victims of the “Israeli” government. These are the ideas that pass for “Marxism” when Marxism has been crippled outside the countries where communist parties have remained in power. Our task is to bring Marxism into the authentic popular struggle against fascism, which communists can defeat again if we learn from all of the last century’s fatal errors.
Dimitrov concluded that
the policy of class collaboration, the policy of dependence on the bourgeoisie, leads to the defeat of the working class and to the victory of fascism. And the only true road to victory is the road of irreconcilable class struggle against the bourgeoisie, the road of the Bolsheviks.
Why must unity of action be first established as a preliminary condition of political unity? Because unity of action to repel the offensive of capital and of fascism is possible and necessary even before the majority of the workers are united on a common political platform for the overthrow of capitalism, while the working out of unity of views on the main lines and aims of the struggle of the proletariat, without which a unification of the parties is impossible, requires a more or less extended period of time. And unity of views is worked out best of all in joint struggle against the class enemy already today. To propose to unite at once instead of forming a united front means to place the cart before the horse and to imagine that the cart will then move ahead. Precisely for the reason that for us the question of political unity is not a maneuver, as it is for many Social-Democratic leaders, we insist on the realization of unity of action as one of the most important stages in the struggle for political unity.
How does this relate to these incorrect positions taken by today’s opportunists within Marxism? The connection is that for our movement to overcome these incorrect ideas about what fascism means, we will have to wage a struggle against the enemy’s offensive which achieves such unity of action. And this will inevitably translate to a shared practice which effectively combats the fascist threat, meaning an automatic negation of the dogmas that distort the nature of our task. The opportunists who espouse such dogmas aren’t able to stay relevant in the face of such a united front, which is why Dimitrov explained that unity of action supersedes political unity; it isn’t necessary for us to get everyone behind the same political program in order to combat our shared enemy, and trying to do so would sabotage the struggle.
This is exactly the error that Greece’s communist leaders make when they take on a role of control and interference within other parties. We must have the confidence to build an inclusive and democratic united front against the U.S. fascist hegemon; when we bring together those who share the right priorities, the forces that seek to obstruct us automatically become weakened, and there’s no need for anti-democratic behaviors.
The propagators of the “neither NATO nor Russia” position take the wrong side on today’s greatest question in the anti-fascist struggle, that being whether somebody is willing to center the fight against U.S. hegemony. Those of us who take the correct stance on this question will find sufficient allies across the Global South, especially within the modern “social-democratic” parties which aren’t Marxist but nonetheless share the anti-imperialist position.
There’s a reason why these parties have taken the pro-Russia stance, and why they support Palestine’s liberation without adding in nonsense about “solidarity” with Israelis. They’re operating within an inherently anti-colonial framework, and this makes them inclined to be allies regardless of whether they’re explicitly Marxist.
This kinship provides us with an innate advantage in the task of rebuilding the alliance against fascism. When we pursue such an alliance, our struggles against the ideas of the opportunists becomes automatically easier. The entire game changes, as the globe’s anti-imperialists have unified against the fascists and their left-wing enablers. A coalition between those who share the most important revolutionary stance, between those who recognize U.S. hegemony as the prime enemy, always beats the coalition of the imperial war machine.
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