Accelerationism, the mass descent into the “black pill,” & the proletarian barbarism that will deliver us from crisis

What is the driving ideology of the U.S. empire right now? What’s the framework that the current regime is using to further support for monopoly-finance capital’s goals? This framework is accelerationism, the desire for society’s disruptions to exponentially build up in intensity, combined with the “black pill” ideology of resigning oneself to a supposedly unavoidable doom. The accelerationists—who foremost consist of the tech nerds behind the modern right—have needed to put forth this amalgam with the “black pill,” an idea which appeals to a social class that’s on the bottom rung. 

It’s the only way that these technocrats could successfully sell their agenda for exponential suffering: portray this suffering as inevitable, and present a notion of radical acceptance that’s really about passive retreat. To defeat this psychological trap, we will need to bring those who’ve come to the BP towards a new synthesis; not a total negation of what they believe, because there is truth to it, but a view with additional insights. We need to convey how in order to revive civilization after its present collapse, we’ll have to undertake a project equivalent to the German barbarism which replaced the Roman empire. This new barbarism can only be a proletarian barbarism, built in order to recover from de-industrialization and all of its ills. This is the essence of our task as rejuvenators of society within the American context. How to get the working class in position for this is something I’ve also been delving deep into, but here I want to focus on combating BP-related diversions from this task.

Becoming NEET while the technocrats take over

For the targets of the BP/accelerationist psyop, the contradiction is in how embracing the black pill can bring surrender to the forces that engineered the present crisis. The subjects of this particular discourse are the “excess males,” the terminally sexless, downwardly mobile men who mostly would be able to live a normal life just a generation ago. But the “black pill” applies to so much more than the looks hypergamy dating market grievances that it’s been framed around. 

The black pill is really about realizing that the traditional pathways have rapidly disappeared, with 2008 being the first big catalyst for this collapse and 2020 being the accelerant. These were the moments that led the United States to see the rise of an equivalent to Japan’s “Hikikomori” shut-ins, characterized by the “NEET” acronym of “not in education, employment, or training.” 

To wage a mass struggle against the institutions that produced this crisis, we will need to look at which ideas these institutions have fed themselves in order to get to this point. These ideas are not necessarily the origins of the crisis; really they were formulated in reaction to events that the capitalists didn’t anticipate, as they forsook the dialectical analysis that showed what their system would bring about. And there are different wings in our ruling class that have conflicting approaches for responding to the unexpected.

Right now, the faction that’s in power is the one which believes in unregulated technological progress as a cure for capital’s crises. In time, the pendulum will swing back towards the ideology of wanting to undo progress for the “greater good,” returning us to the Obama-Biden paradigm of “degrowth” anti-tech demagoguery. The anti-AI liberals are already leading a major movement within bourgeois politics, and they’ll likely win out in the long term. This is all part of the same cycle that capitalism has been in for centuries, as explained by Edgar Hardcastle in 1933:

Technocracy is likely to be popular for a time because its arrival is opportune. Six months ago the capitalist experts were confident that they know how to explain and cure the crisis by means of then currency theories and policies based thereon. Now the world has grown more sceptical and technocracy comes as a godsend, a bright new toy which will for another season keep attention fixed on non-essentials. It is a safe bet that within a year or two many of the excited followers of the technocrat myth will have rushed to the other extreme and will be busy resurrecting the neo-malthusian bogie of over-population and food shortage. The neo-malthusians have been lying low for about two years but their advance guard will soon be on the march again. While the engineering experts led by Scott are preaching the dangers of high productivity, according to the Daily Herald (January 5th) the agricultural experts of the Royal Institute of International Affairs are warning us that the curtailment of production has gone too far, and that we are faced with a possible scarcity of wheat, meat and other products.

In 2012, after the anarchy of the market had returned us to depression, Nick Land sought to reconcile this bipolar nature of capital in his work The Dark Enlightenment. Land represents a kind of Malthusian thinking, as all anti-egalitarianism does, but he sought to synthesize this thinking with the technocratic mindset of unencumbered progress; in other words, the Thielite ideology behind Trump’s “accelerate AI, let the people suffer” policy. 

Land wrote that “Where the progressive enlightenment sees political ideals, the dark enlightenment sees appetites. It accepts that governments are made out of people, and that they will eat well. Setting its expectations as low as reasonably possible, it seeks only to spare civilization from frenzied, ruinous, gluttonous debauch. From Thomas Hobbes to Hans-Hermann Hoppe and beyond, it asks: How can the sovereign power be prevented—or at least dissuaded—from devouring society? It consistently finds democratic 'solutions' to this problem risible, at best.” Curtis Yarvin has provided an idea of what a post-democratic model would look like through his proposal for CEO monarchy; he’s concluded that autocratic control would end the cycle of infighting within the ruling class, which as he observes has expanded into the realm of geopolitics:

Competing branches of the US government still engage in Third World proxy wars, in which the Defense Department and its political allies and satellites (the Republican Party, the arms and energy industry, Israel) face off against the State Department and its allies and satellites (the Democratic Party, the NGOs and universities, Europe, Palestine). The true nature of these conflicts, which would end instantly if the US was under unitary leadership, or even if both American factions could agree to cut off all “aid” to all their foreign satellites, is admitted by no one. It is considered entirely normal that the US often arms, and always talks with, both sides of these bizarre, incurable pseudo-wars.

When you understand how imperialism works, it’s obvious why this proposal is self-contradictory. There’s no way to preserve the status quo, as “rightist” politics aims to do, while escaping our foreign entanglements; imperialism requires that foreign policy be about ensuring control over global markets, otherwise the financial order wouldn’t be able to function. The ruling system also necessarily creates competing wings inside bourgeois politics, which negates Yarvin's argument about there being a supposed fix for inter-capitalist conflicts within the political system. The right-wing intellectuals in the Thielite camp can’t escape these realities; all that they have is idealism. 

Many of the black-pilled men who these Thielite psyops target already recognize that our ruling system can’t be salvaged; this is clear from how prevalent edgy anti-regime phrases like “goyslop” are within black pill communities. The “Jewish question” is undoubtedly the most popular political view inside these spaces, and though it’s incorrect, it can be replaced with a proletarian consciousness. The problem is that the regime has ways of gaining psychological control over people, without needing to have the targets like the system they live under. And the role of the Thielite technocrat wing is to orchestrate this interference within the minds of the male “excess,” feeding them messages designed to encourage retreat from the fight at hand.

“Let people enjoy things”

In his manifesto for the right-wing movement, the Israeli asset Bronze Age Pervert talks about infiltrating organized crime. This is partly so that the breakdown of society can be sped up to advance the accelerationist end goal, and partly so that the masses will be controlled through sex and drugs. Says the conclusion of BAP’s Bronze Age Mindset:

The increase of chaos, confusion and pressure on the Leviathan will lay it low: imagine even a world where the people, under relentless assault of contradictory and wild claims, would lose all faith in the media and government and doctors and believe nothing they hear through official channels anymore. This would be an order of knights of the spirit such as exists at most every thousand years. Slowly, maybe over two generations, they will work patiently, exploring and laying claims to all the sewers of the underworld, all the effluences of the Leviathan, all the joints of the lower skeleton that undergirds this world. They will take over night clubs, bars, brothels, hotels, casinos, pornography, and much worse, and rather than live to insulate themselves from the vice promoted by this world, they will intensify it and learn to wield it as a great weapon. It is the greatest weapon in our age. 

Know that the Leviathan sustains itself not by the promotion of vice, but by its normalization. But in every normalization, a great deal must be edited out; this is its great weakness. This order of knights will keep vice true to itself. From underneath comes all the Satanic power of the Babylon we are fighting. Some men, whose bond between each other must be made of titanium, will surely come around who can descend in that world...who have the mental and spiritual resources to descend to the underworld and come back with the prize.

This is all predictive programming for the degenerate trends that ruling-class psyops have been nurturing, to an unprecedented degree, since the DOJ’s partial release of the Epstein files. I contend that degeneracy is now an unprecedented problem because never before has there been such an extensive infrastructure for creating and distributing child pornography; big tech made sure that this would happen when the AI era arrived, with Grok’s ongoing child sexualization activities being just the start of what these platforms are going to do. The foundations for mass simulated child abuse materiel were laid decades ago, and part of the plan was activated this month when a federal court ruled that such content is legal when in private.

This “let people enjoy things” attitude is fully aligned with the “military nihilist” trend, where Zionist lumpen streamers like Asmongold have been encouraging their audiences to apathetically accept whatever their rulers do abroad. It’s a call to willingly embrace the subservient role our government wants for us, and consume endless pornography while the U.S. military expands its destructive campaigns. The CIA and the Mossad realized the value of this type of sexualized psyop a long time ago. After Japan’s postwar economy crashed, and a generation of men were pushed into becoming shut-ins, the Japanese fascist state found an extremely useful tool for social control: pedophilic anime. This psychological weapon and its variants have since been widely exported, with Jeffrey Epstein’s project to manipulate 4Chan users being a pivotal moment in the spread of this perverted mind virus.

This is the lifestyle that the enemy wants excess men to embrace: a lumpenized detachment from the past or the future, and a fixation on the Epsteinite porn that the algorithms are increasingly pushing. Just because this is the behavior that the Epstein regime seeks to bring these men into, though, doesn’t mean we should come to associate this behavior with the state of being rendered excess. This is a mistake that we should take care to avoid; a core part of the gender war psyop is that men who’ve been failed by society are by default predatory, misogynistic parasites, and it’s no coincidence that the Epsteinites are trying to push men into embodying these traits.

Like with BAP’s psyops, the goal is to predictively program society into going in the direction that benefits our ruling class. As the United States becomes lumpenized, our rulers want its people (particularly its men) to become like the incels of Nigeria who’ve joined Boko Haram. This is the preferable alternative to the masses coalescing into a popular revolutionary movement, like the people of Haiti have done amid their own experience of being de-classed. Haiti is a nation that’s bringing about proletarian barbarism; its movement to unify the gangs, and revitalize the devastated communities, is what things look like when a civilization has no path other than to rebuild. 

Our society’s left-behinds have two options: do the bidding of the Epsteinites, or disobey the algorithmic programming and become the new barbarians. Based on how Engels concluded that only barbarians can rejuvenate a dying civilization, this is what I would add to the statement that our future is either socialism or barbarism; if America’s path to socialism will be long and protracted, as it appears to be, then a proletarian barbarism will still fill our need for revolutionary change. This revolutionary barbarism will just take the form of a militant mass organization, building itself up amid the next disruptions and bringing in all the left-behinds who’ve been able to find it.

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Liberal Zionism’s plan to capture the next working-class upsurge, & how Lenin showed we can defeat it

The Democratic Party’s plan to contain the coming workers upsurge is intertwined with liberal Zionism’s efforts to co-opt the Palestinian cause. It’s the working-class movement's treatment of the Palestine question that will determine whether the movement gains independence from the Democrats during its next phase; because the struggle against Zionism is inseparable from the struggle against capitalism, and being against Palestine’s colonization is still the most important litmus test within the class struggle.

These realities are self-evident, but our class enemies have methods for diverting the workers from what the struggle calls for. And the way they aim to divert us from the next critical tasks is by presenting a “soft” Zionism disguised as liberation, based around the “coexistence” narrative about what Palestine supposedly needs. This is how the labor bosses and the reformist politicians can capture the next working-class revolt; the counterinsurgency against this revolt will depend on how well these opportunists can sell the lie of a “peaceful” Zionism, one that’s being undermined by the “extremists” on “both sides” of the anti-colonial war.

It’s this narrative that the Democrat gatekeepers within the union bureaucracy will use to try to constrain our efforts, and justify shutting down their pro-Palestine constituents. As we go into organized labor, and put forth our agenda of boycotting the Zionist entity, we’ll be met with sympathetic overtures followed by underhanded sabotage. The labor leadership will prefer the version of the boycotts that only targets the West Bank settlements, as advanced by the UK and many other U.S.-aligned governments; and of course the gatekeepers will always want to include condemnations of Hamas in their statements. But our response must not be to give up on agitating within the unions. 

This was one of the basic lessons from Lenin, as A. Lozovsky summarized in his 1924 guide for trade union militants. There are two particular lines from this text, pertaining to the radicalization of the working masses, that I’ve put emphasis on for the quotation. They refer to bringing the workers towards communism, which is of course my goal as a Marxist-Leninist; but their logic applies to any area of the struggle that you might want to bring the masses into. Says Lozovsky’s commentary:

There is a whole chapter in this book entitled “Should Revolutionists work in Reactionary Unions?” Lenin analyzes all the left arguments for quitting the reformist unions in this chapter. “We should have nothing to do with them because they do not defend the interests of the workers, we cannot support them because they are opportunists, no compromises,” the British lefts proclaimed. However, their leftism was in reverse proportion to their influence over the labor movement. And in the chapter dedicated to the British lefts, Lenin says: “You do not want to affiliate to the labor party, you do not want to support it in the elections, but the fact that the majority of the workers in England still follow the British Kerensky’s and Scheidemann’s the fact that they have not yet had the experience of having a government of these men, which experience was required by Russia and Germany to drive the mass of the workers towards Communism…

But Lenin does not stop here. He says: “The slogan, Without compromise, onward, never deviating from the straight path,” when this slogan is raised by an undeniably helpless minority of the workers which knows (or at any rate, should know), that the majority will shortly, in case of a victory of Henderson and Snowden over Lloyd George and Churchill, become disillusioned and come to the support of Communism (or in any case, to neutrality in most cases favorable neutrality, towards the Communists), it is clearly a mistaken slogan. It is just as if 10,000 soldiers threw themselves into battle against 50,000 enemy soldiers; this is a time when it is necessary to “hesitate,” to “deviate from the path,” and even “compromise” as long as there are reinforcements 100,000 strong behind you who cannot immediately join the battle. This is intellectual puerility and not a serious tactic of a revolutionary class.

It’s when we understand this longer game—where the people will join with revolutionary politics after experiencing the futility of reformism—that our mission within the unions is shown to be so much less daunting. If we’re willing to put in the work, and endure all the obstacles entailed within navigating organized labor, the reward will be to access critical revolutionary mass elements who we would otherwise never reach.

This work does not look like throwing “critical” support behind the candidates these Democrat union leaders are supporting, in the hopes of mechanistically replicating Lenin’s project to support the Labor party. This is what pro-Democrat Marxian groups like Geese magazine argue; their strategy is shown to be ineffectual by the fact that our socdems can’t truly win in the first place, since their strategy depends on the voters within the metropolitan centers, as well as by our lack of strong revolutionary organization compared to the communists from Lenin’s time. Without real power of your own, “strategically” supporting your enemies will only help them. The real lesson to take from Lenin’s statements here is that we must relearn the trade unionism skills which American communists lost a long time ago, and that we can only gain through historical study combined with direct experience. 

What we must do is formulate a clear program of action for the unions, modeled after the American workers movement’s past mode of practice and applied to the situation of today. In 1926, after the capitalists had brought the labor bureaucracy towards severely compromising the unions, William Z. Foster described how the workers needed to respond:

As against the degeneration of the trade unions practically into company unions by the bureaucracy, the left wing must intensify its activities along the lines of our established policies. The Workers Party must carry on an extensive ideological campaign to awaken the membership to the great necessity for trade union work and to bring all the non-union members into the trade unions. Our party must thoroughly organize its fractions in the unions and the T.U.E.L. It must everywhere build the [Trade Union Educational] League into a broad, definitely organized left wing movement. We must stimulate the development of the so-called progressive bloc in the unions. We must make united fronts with the progressives on the basis of minimum programs of immediate needs of the unions. We must take advantage of the union elections to defeat the bureaucracy and to put progressives and revolutionists in key positions. We must redouble our agitation for the Labor Party, for the organization of the unorganized, and for amalgamation. We must relentlessly combat labor banking and the rest of the class collaboration movement. We must be the heart and the head of every struggle of the workers against their employers and the state. We must emphasize the struggle for world trade union unity

Right now, the most damning piece of evidence we can find for the yellow nature of the unions is their complicity on Palestine. The last time American unions made a major move on the Palestine issue was in 2024, with a joint union letter calling for an arms embargo on the Zionist entity; they certainly haven’t taken up the 2025 call from Palestine’s union federation to mobilize a full economic boycott. The labor bosses will continue trying to get away with this inaction, and will likely start following in the example of the other liberal Zionists who’ve been denouncing Netanyahu to rehabilitate Jewish supremacy’s image. This subservience to the empire won’t save them from the next crackdowns on organized labor, though. As the assaults on the working class escalate, the impulse of these labor leaders will be to fold, and let the unions become empty shells. 

We must use this inevitable cowardice to expose the “coexistence” agenda’s true nature, and show the workers why they need to revolt against organized labor’s leadership. We have to draw the connection between the fake comprador “pro-Palestine” stance, and the absurd ideology of “class peace” between bosses and workers. This isn’t so we can create red unions, as Lenin and Foster clarified, but so we can build up independent working-class power that doesn’t split the labor struggle. It also doesn’t mean the crude economist behavior of fetishizing union organizing, as if it’s enough on its own. The path forward looks like strengthening the progressive forces inside the unions, while constructing the separate institutions that the workers will need in order to overcome the bureaucracy’s power imbalance. 

A workers party is indispensable within this project; but it will only be able to properly serve its purpose after we’ve built the collectives that can represent the workers without them needing to be in a party. The Trade Union Educational League provides one historical model for this that we must learn from; another example is the unemployed councils, which this country used to have and we are now in severe need of. Within this mission of rebuilding workers power, there are a myriad of tasks; but we can avoid becoming overwhelmed by these tasks, because all that they really mean is a redirection of all the energy which is now going into futile reformist endeavors.

Many of us within the struggle have been funneled into reformism in the past, and we know the pain of putting serious work into something that turns out to be unserious. Our takeaway from this shouldn’t be that political work is a waste of time, or that every org is just trying to scam you; it should be that when we find a genuinely productive path, all of this regret about our mistakes will only make us more effective. We know the mission of today: combat liberal Zionism within organized labor, and give the workers organizational independence. When we stick to this objective, our work will only multiply the revolutionary struggle’s gains.

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The “AI doom” psyop, the emerging socdem-fascist alliance, & the crackdown our rulers are preparing for

When I say that the AI doomsday narrative is a psyop, I mean the very same figures who’ve engineered our techno-dystopia are cynically promoting this narrative. Casual observers without a strong political ideology have been coming to this same conclusion about the motives behind the anti-AI hysteria; it’s obvious that these sudden warnings from the architects of surveillance capitalism are not being made out of altruistic conscience, and function as part of a distraction effort. 

Part of what they’re trying to do is divert attention away from the deteriorating economic conditions, like most ruling-class psyops seek to accomplish; the psyop’s other main purpose, though, is to save capitalism from being unraveled by these technologies. Because if AI becomes advanced enough, the logical conclusion is for capitalism to no longer be workable, and for the system to collapse. 

I don’t mean this in the sense of the technocratic dogma, which posits a kind of “evolutionary socialist” viewpoint where we’ll automatically transition to the next productive stage. This transformation can only happen through an actual working-class revolution, which will require combating the passive reformism of today’s prevailing “socialist” politics. 

It’s this politics, embodied by the same DSA camp that propagates anti-AI demagoguery, which Lenin repudiated in his clarification of what a workers party should do: “The basic role of the party, the first commandment of every trade union movement should be: ‘Do not rely upon the state,’ rely only upon the power of your class. The state is an organization of the class in power. Do not rely upon promises, rely upon the power of union and upon the consciousness of your class.” We need to prevent the workers struggle from being recaptured by the “progressive” wing of the Democratic Party, which has now directly teamed up with the right-wing movement’s Bannonite wing in demonizing AI.

These reformists point to Trump’s pro-AI stance as supposed proof that they’re taking a dissident position. But the conflict between them and Trump is over how best to preserve capital; there is no good side in this fight. What’s happening is a rift within our ruling class on AI, one that’s going to bring inter-elite conflicts in which the people will be the main casualties. This is what we must prepare the political struggle for as we see AI reshape the alliances inside bourgeois politics, and accelerate the outmoding of the old economic arrangement. The different wings of our enemies are sensing the urgency of their situation, and scrambling to crush all of the forces challenging them. 

We have an unprecedented opportunity to make gains in the class war, if we can withstand the next blows from the repressive apparatus. This will require the building of collectives, on a local level, that have mastered secret work and can fall back on an underground structure. This is the lesson we should take from these ominous recent behaviors from our foes: it’s time to redouble our projects at building dual power, and at fortifying this power against scenarios of extreme repression.

A sign of how close we are to a major crackdown is that Sanders and Bannon are now working together on combating AI. Communists have long been anticipating a development like this; the entire history of class war in the modern age shows that social democrats will side with the fascists when confronted with an existential threat to the bourgeois order. Stalin pointed out how the fascists wouldn’t be able to gain power without the assistance of the bourgeois reformist “socialists”:

Fascism is not only a military-technical category. Fascism is the bourgeoisie’s fighting organisation that relies on the active support of Social-Democracy. Social-Democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism. There is no ground for assuming that the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of Social-Democracy. There is just as little ground for thinking that Social-Democracy can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. These organisations do not negate, but supplement each other. They are not antipodes, they are twins. Fascism is an informal political bloc of these two chief organisations; a bloc, which arose in the circumstances of the post-war crisis of imperialism, and which is intended for combating the proletarian revolution. The bourgeoisie cannot retain power without such a bloc. It would therefore be a mistake to think that “pacifism” signifies the liquidation of fascism. In the present situation, “pacifism” is the strengthening of fascism with its moderate, Social-Democratic wing pushed into the forefront.

Because right now we’re in a phase where the imperialists are ramping up their wars, the socdems are pushing not for pacifism but for escalation. Restricting China’s AI advancements is the primary motivator behind what Sanders is doing, consistent with how the Democratic Party has been pushing the hardest for Trump to refocus around combating China. But the pro-AI wing that Trump represents is increasingly in conflict with the socdem-right wing alliance, both on geopolitical strategy and on how to wage the class war.

The socdems want to stop AI because they’re a movement of petty-bourgeois professionals whose careers are threatened by civilizational progress. This reactionary impulse aligns with the view of George Soros on how best to combat China, which is the main reason behind why Soros has put Open Society’s money machine behind the Zohran movement. It’s also why Bannon has partnered with the socdems. The Trump wing’s unreserved embrace of AI comes from the Peter Thiel accelerationist philosophy, which seeks to dismantle the bulk of the professional fields—as well as plunge the bulk of the people into deep poverty—while AI lets the ruling class clamp down through advanced repression.

Which side will win out? At this point, it’s looking like the Thiel wing will lose, but not without inter-elite rivalries escalating to the point of civil war. The two main factions in this conflict will carry out ever-greater provocations, potentially using cyberattacks, assassinations, or fed-orchestrated riots to destabilize their opponents. We’ve been in the era of hybrid warfare for a long time now, and this applies to the fights that the different capitalists have between each other. There is real potential for us to use these conflicts to our advantage, and make the working-class side win out as the bourgeoisie are focused on inter-elite battles. But this can only happen if we, as organizers, redirect more of our own focus towards actually building the structures the workers will need to win. 

Talking about psyops and inter-elite conflicts is necessary, but should be secondary to putting in the practical work. As more people become burnt out from these hysterical narratives on AI, and come to the realization that our class enemies are scrambling, this is the primary message we need to bring to them.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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The Iran war shows no one is in control anymore, & the system can be destabilized through its pressure points

The war on Iran, and the ways it’s backfired on the aggressors, have proven that the imperial order is governed by a cybernetic system—one that’s capable of being pushed to collapse. This is apparent from how even though American society itself is in an accelerated breakdown, the Iran war and the other wars are able to carry on; for an empire to sustain this offensive, it’s needed to have a pre-built military system for keeping things running. But this doesn’t mean the system is invincible. Just because a system is cybernetic (and therefore designed to automatically reinforce itself) doesn’t mean it’s a system that’s truly rational, and incapable of being made to self-implode. 

This is the reality that’s been ignored by the ruling-class figures who’ve relied on cybernetics to stay in power: a structure that functions on its own is still operating with an ideological bias, and the weaknesses that come from this. It’s this flaw in the U.S. empire that’s now being exploited by Iran, Hezbollah, the Palestinian resistance, and Ansarallah, which unlike the empire are operating off of actual human intelligence. It’s this intelligence that’s let Yemen’s freedom fighters develop a guerrilla warfare model for the age of AI, and that will ultimately bring the cybernetic beast to its extinction.

This reality—that our society and government in the “collective west” are ruled by an independent machine—provides a clarity which explanations like the “Jewish question” cannot. And when we look at the cybernetic explanation vs. the JQ in regards to why the Iran war has happened, it becomes clear that even Netanyahu is subordinate to this system, despite how powerful he looks in this situation. 

A critical resource for this topic is the 2009 Brookings Institution policy paper, one that made a recommendation which now feels chilling in how perfectly it’s been followed: "Leave it to Bibi.” Ever since they started on their post-9/11 plan to take out seven Muslim countries, the neocons have known they can’t do to Iran what they did to Iraq, as the geophraphy simply gives Persia too much of an advantage. So they’ve long been talking among themselves about offloading the task to the Jewish state, bypassing the overwhelming mission of bringing back the draft in the United States.

That this plan came from the Brookings Institution is significant to showing how the cybernetic imperial system developed. Because as Paul Temple observed in his 1944 polemic against technocratic thinking, Brookings was the foremost organization that conducted the kinds of work which technocrats like; namely reporting on productive and energy outputs, with the goal of figuring out how to fortify bourgeois-imperial control. And today, as the fallout from the Iran war brings unprecedented hyperinflation, technocracy’s modern adherents aim to use this as justification for their movement’s end goal: to create a universal basic income, whereby the masses can be pacified amid an advanced fascistic governance. This was what Temple pointed out about technocracy’s end goal:

The technocrats do not put forwards their “energy cost” proposal as an explanation of the actual world. They do not claim that it sheds any light on what is happening in economy today. It is merely something that ought to be. When the laws of physics bring about the automatic collapse of the system the technocrats hold themselves ready to step forward and introduce the system of “energy costs,” which because it can be physically measured, will enable them to plan production by keeping track of the ergs. As a bookkeeping device, it is part of the technocratic blueprint for the future. 

The Technocrats present the change from reckoning price in money to reckoning wealth in “energy cost” as THE fundamental social reform which will eliminate its present evils; it is the essence of the change they propose. Each man equally is to be given “certificates” representing a certain amount of ergs, kilowatts, etc., and for these certificates he will receive goods whose production has consumed that amount of energy. Instead of being tagged in dollars and cents, goods in the technocratic distribution depots (stores) would be price-marked with a certain amount of ergs; and instead of handing dollars over the country, the consumer would make the purchase with “energy certificates.” It is obvious that this “energy certificate” system is a system of rationing, just as the use of money in capitalist economy is – a system of rationing scarcity.

The ideological tendency that the technocrats represent had its vision win out after the Second World War. Since then, our superstructure has been fundamentally governed by the military; it’s the U.S. military that’s been behind the technologies which have come to dominate humanity since then. The state’s decisions, and the psyche of the masses, became under the grip of a “rational” framework designed by an enlightened scientific class. Yet even as the technocrats seem poised to win again, they’ve been faced with an existential question: can the forces opposing the empire harness these same technologies to destroy the cybernetic order?

Nothing has stopped China from building a high-tech society of a socialist character, or Ansarallah from using drones to overwhelm the Zionist forces. What these revolutionary victors have done is get the enemy to undermine itself in pursuit of the cybernetic system’s own goals. When you have a “rational” system that’s in fact driven by highly irrational beliefs, you get acts of self-destruction like the Iran war. You get the enemy to react in ways that only end up weakening it, like the Zionist occupier has crippled itself through its futile attempt to crush Hamas. The occupier’s partial retreat in Gaza, where it’s supposedly agreed to a ceasefire while continuing the genocide, hasn’t stopped this explosion for the settler structure. The entity’s pivot to assaulting Lebanon, Iran, and other countries has furthered the “Israeli” economic, military, and social collapse. This is why Hamas has already won: whereas the resistance has grown in its membership since October 7, the occupier has been brought to its weakest point.

The Axis of Resistance, and the globe’s other anti-imperialist forces, will undoubtedly overwhelm the enemy. The unraveling that we’ve been seeing for U.S./Zionist power in West Asia, where the imperialists have gone on the offensive and then had to confront the unexpected, mirrors the empire’s defeat in Vietnam. In the very broadest sense, it also mirrors how every oppressed and exploited people throughout history have triumphed: by using the inherent advantage of popular revolutionary cohesion to overcome a superior foe. 

How soon we’ll defeat the U.S. empire depends on how well we can make our organizations withstand the enemy’s blows. For those of us inside the United States, we’re running out of time before an unprecedented crackdown comes; the different factions within ruling-class politics are consolidating—with one example being that Sanders and Bannon are now working together to stop AI—and we should feel a real urgency. But if we can survive the coming counterrevolutionary purge, and strain the cybernetic structure to its breaking point, we will prevail.

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As the empire lifts up “progressive” Zionism, we must get the workers movement behind Palestine’s struggle

Washington’s foreign policy strategists have made a pivot on Palestine, one where they’re preparing for a victory by the “progressive” Jewish colonizer faction. There are two big pieces of evidence for this: Trump’s White House not opposing the sanctions on the West Bank settlements that were recently imposed by France, Canada and the UK; as well as Hillary Clinton furthering the narrative that Netanyahu wanted Hamas to carry out October 7. Though Hillary Clinton obviously isn’t very relevant, her affirming the “October 7 was a false flag” idea tells us that both the Democratic and Republican establishments believe this is the narrative framework to use.

After October 7, the Democrats entered into an alliance with MAGA, centered around the goal of crushing the pro-Palestine movement. The Democrats now share the Heritage Foundation’s desire to purge our institutions of all left-wing voices, which is the precursor to a criminalization of international solidarity work. This means that when the Democratic establishment’s voice is fully promoting the propaganda of the liberal Israelis—wherein Netanyahu is viewed as a deviation from the true “good” Israel—the ruling class overall now seeks to propagate this framework. The Zionist right has been discredited in the eyes of the masses, who’ve undergone a fundamental consciousness shift on Palestine; so the best way to maintain Jewish settler-colonialism is by returning it to its “democratic” past, as the liberal Zionist narrative goes.

We are capable of destroying the “progressive” Zionist faction’s perceived credibility, like we did to the Trump-Netanyahu wing. But to do so, we will have to show why and how the workers movement must get behind Palestine’s anti-colonial fight; the real fight, not the performative “peace” overtures by Zionism’s comprador agents. Bringing the unions to this position doesn’t mean breaking anti-terrorism laws, as the Democrat union gatekeepers will claim; it means refusing all pressures to condemn the resistance, while coordinating a boycott of the Zionist occupier among the unionized workers.

In July 2025, the Palestine General Federation of Trade Unions called for the world’s workers to do this, telling us in its statement A Cry Before Death that

We address you today once again, not merely as victims, but as the workers of Palestine: an integral part of the popular and working classes of this world, struggling for justice, liberation, and dignity. And we call upon you to:

• Break the silence and complicity, raise your voices within your unions and federations, and denounce the policies of starvation, siege, and massacre in Gaza.

• Pressure your governments to end arms deals and military cooperation with the occupation, and to impose sanctions on the Zionist settler-colonial and apartheid regime.

• Boycott companies that support the occupation, and withdraw union investments from any company, institution, or entity involved in funding or profiting from the war.

• Organize days of rage and global solidarity in factories and workshops, in ports and airports, in the streets and public squares, in support of Palestine and its brave people.

It is this strategic and tactical clarity that can revitalize the pro-Palestine movement, bringing the masses away from the fraudulent liberal “Palestine allies” who are now being lifted up. A critical question we must bring to the “democratic socialists” and the other “progressive” Zionists is whether they’re willing to assist in these next boycott efforts; if they say no, we’ll be able to draw a very clear line for the people to see. We’ll be able to show who’s behind the next phase of the genocide, the phase where the killings are being done by the “good” Israelis.

Whether the liberal and “labor” Zionists come into office depends on how effectively the Netanyahu wing strong-arms the settler electoral system. If Netanyahu’s coalition wins, I predict the media will still majorly platform the “good” Israelis, but with the message that the Zionist project must be started anew. We’ll see interviews with defectors from the settler state who are motivated not by an opposition to Palestine’s colonization, but by a desire to fulfill their fantasy of a “progressive” Zionism. 

This propaganda will be about making us sympathetic to these “righteous” colonizers who see that “Israel has lost its way,” with the goal being to use “progressive” Zionism as a smokescreen for the next U.S./Zionist aggressions. (And also to make people give Jewish supremacists the benefit of the doubt, allowing the massive Zionist influence networks to sabotage pro-Palestine organizing throughout our local communities.) If the “good” Zionists win, though, we’ll have a chance to expose their true nature.

The moment that “progressives” and “socialists” come back into power within the settler entity, all of the opportunists who falsely proclaim support for Palestine will have their lies revealed. The “democratic socialists” will have to answer why their counterparts within the “progressive” Israeli faction are continuing the bombings, torture, and starvation policies. And “labor” Zionist entities like Greece’s KKK will see their beloved Communist Party of Israel have authority, then inevitably act complicit in the genocide’s next phase. Should these “left” Zionists get their wish, we will need to make it backfire on them by showing what the “good” Israelis are doing. As the entity’s crimes continue under the “good” Zionist government, we should keep bringing up statements like the KKE’s “On the war in the Middle East,” which asserted that the anti-Zionist position is unfair to the supposed “Israeli working class”:

The Israeli people are also a victim of the policies of the bourgeois state of Israel and the reactionary Netanyahu government. This statement was met with hostility by certain forces of the “World Anti-Imperialist Platform”, which do not recognize the existence of the state of Israel, nor the existence of the Israeli bourgeoisie and the Israeli people, calling it a US base that must be destroyed. These forces refuse to see that the root cause of everything that the peoples are experiencing is the barbaric exploitative system in its current stage, the monopoly one, where the struggle between the monopolies and the bourgeois classes is intensifying and is being waged by all means, for the exploitation not only of the workers of their countries but also of other countries for raw materials, transport routes for the commodities, geopolitical footholds and market shares. And the bourgeois state of Israel and its bourgeoisie is such a geopolitical foothold for the USA and the EU and not only a military base.

Let these words—which the KKE has quietly removed from its site—continue to haunt those who put them out so confidently during a sectarian fight three years ago. We should especially keep throwing them in the faces of the “socialist” Zionists if the Israeli election goes the way the U.S. empire is hoping. This is the strategic pivot our movement should prepare for. It’s how we can take advantage of the irreconcilable divisions inside Jewish settler society, which were always going to bring the entity to its doom anyhow.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.