The Democratic Party’s Soros faction sees the inter-elite conflicts that are soon to come, and it seeks to gain control amid the USA’s descent into civil war. The Soros wing specifically represents the “democratic socialists” within the party, not the party as a whole; the old Clinton/Obama faction has become aligned with the same Zionist GOP actors who’ve been attacking Mamdani for not being Jewish supremacist enough. This divide, and all other divides within ruling-class politics, will become heightened to a point where the bourgeoisie can no longer rule in the old way.
Even if the old guard political factions grow stronger after the 2028 midterms, they won’t be able to undo today’s historical upheavals, which are larger than the system itself. The old Democrat wing isn’t going to go away, and Democrats of this kind are likely to gain many new seats. But they will be weakened by the coming civil war, as will all other parts of the imperial power structure. The question is which ruling class faction will establish a dictatorship in DC as America enters its warlordist era, and our class conflict enters into a heightened stage.
The Democrats and the Trump wing are unified around the biggest tasks that the U.S. empire needs to carry out at this moment. They’re working together to advance the wars against Russia, China, Latin America, Africa, and Palestine, as well as to crush domestic opposition towards these wars. They’re also building a fascist movement that brings the “progressive” pro-imperialists together with the centrists and the far right, uniting the Americans who support the regime for their own different reasons. These reactionaries will become confused, though, when the subjective narrative of their ideology gets shattered by the unavoidable contradictions the empire faces.
What will happen is that the Trump wing and the Dems enter into an existential battle for who gets to be the primary warlords; the next election is going to produce a constitutional crisis, where either side that wins will try to establish dictatorial power and the losing side will then launch an insurgency.
The way that the Open Society faction seeks to triumph in this battle is by pitching itself as the most stabilizing option. By convincing enough deep state bureaucrats that if Washington adopts the “progressive” posture, and rebrands the empire as “humanitarian,” the system will be able to avoid collapse. This won’t prevent America’s descent into warlordism, but it will let the U.S. government appeal towards more of the liberal world, and thereby give finance capital a safety net as the empire’s core collapses. As the U.S. economy keeps becoming more “k-shaped,” and some Americans are given upward mobility while most others continue getting poorer, a social democrat administration would also be able to increase the bribes to the most favored workers. (Those being the metropolitans who are members of or close to the PMC.)
To bring victory to the working class under these conditions, firstly we must separate Marxism from PMC politics; and secondly we must build an organizational force that can rescue the masses from the humanitarian impacts of the collapse. This is how we apply Lenin’s advice about how to respond when our different class enemies have become “at loggerheads.” Lenin lists inter-ruling class conflict as being one of the essential factors for the workers to prevail, saying that before we act like revolution is imminent, we must make sure that:
(1) all the class forces hostile to us have become sufficiently entangled, are sufficiently at loggerheads with each other, have sufficiently weakened themselves in a struggle which is beyond their strength; (2) all the vacillating and unstable, intermediate elements—the petty bourgeoisie and the petty-bourgeois democrats, as distinct from the bourgeoisie—have sufficiently exposed themselves in the eyes of the people, have sufficiently disgraced themselves through their practical bankruptcy, and (3) among the proletariat, a mass sentiment favouring the most determined, bold and dedicated revolutionary action against the bourgeoisie has emerged and begun to grow vigorously. Then revolution is indeed ripe; then, indeed, if we have correctly gauged all the conditions indicated and summarised above, and if we have chosen the right moment, our victory is assured.
The objective conditions for Americans to overthrow their banker regime, the conditions that come from what our class enemies do, are already partly met. The U.S. and the EU have come to be at odds in a way that likely won’t be reversed, meaning as the U.S. collapses, the financial monopolists won’t cleanly be able to relocate. It’s these compounding crises of imperialism that the liberals are reacting to when they call for radically authoritarian measures, like Paul Krugman’s “de-MAGAfication.”
They’re sensing that the empire’s decline is irreversible, and are looking for ways to rescue the system from itself. By going on the offensive against the world’s people, and against America’s own people, they’ll also expose the bourgeois democrats. If a socdem becomes president, it will be the end of the DSA’s brand as an insurgent force, like Trump’s false dissident brand couldn’t survive Trump 2.0.
The solution that our ruling class has to the people’s inevitable alienation from their politicians is a routine switch-up, where every couple years or so they change which cultural pole gets elevated over the other. This is quite an effective model for control, but the model will break if we build an independent mass political force.
The American people are already compatible with revolutionary politics. This is apparent not from looking at any liberal media polling data, but from judging the state of the nation after our most recent crises. The popular backlash against Washington’s Ukraine proxy war, born out of anger over our government’s refusal to rescue us from the post-Covid depression, made the people unified after they’d been at each other’s throats in 2020. The backlash to the Gaza genocide, which has remained relevant enough that Republican candidates are now building their campaigns off of it, solidified this anti-systemic trend.
The Soros wing wants to reverse this trend by bribing the metropolitan workers who aren’t right now among the beneficiaries of the k-shaped economy, but who are close enough to this status that they’re vying for it. The socdem wing’s plan is to bring these workers into the fascist movement, and weaponize them against the masses who will keep getting left further behind. This means that our revolutionary strategy will by necessity look like a campaign by the rural masses, and their class allies within the cities, to overwhelm finance capital’s strongholds within the metropoles.
For this campaign to succeed, we’ll need to capture the rural masses who our government plans to discard amid the collapse. When our constitutional crisis comes, the Trump/Thiel wing aims to rally these masses behind the Zionist right, and present this as a revolutionary insurgency against finance capital. Communists must show them that we’re the real revolutionary movement, and that we’re willing to ally with other anti-Zionists in this fight Americans are tasked with.
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