The Epstein regime’s next designs, the coming civil war, and the task of today’s patriots

The task of patriots right now is to resist our government’s world war, and its campaign to eliminate all who speak out against this war. If we form an anti-Epstein popular coalition, and build the organizational strength to fight back, we’ll be in place to save America from the dark age that it might next undergo. There are growing weaknesses in the system; the conflicts between the globalist and domestic wings of our ruling class are soon to reach the point of civil war, which could mean our enemies will soon be too divided to hold back revolution. Or it could mean our enemies will keep America in chaos for decades, fighting between themselves as we survive at their mercy. It depends on whether America’s patriots fulfill their duty, and unite to defeat both sides of the duopoly.

Such an idea about what it means to be a patriot has already been reached by the Americans in the “anti-Zionist right”; the ones who came to a pro-Palestine position upon realizing that Zionism is opposed to actual conservative values. And these Americans will be able to unify with the left-wing pro-Palestine Gen Z-ers. To form such a coalition, we will need to overcome the narratives that the regime and its mouthpieces are using to divide dissidents. One of these narratives being that if someone sides with all of the different nations which U.S. imperialism is attacking, this makes them an enemy of the American nation. 

This is the notion that Nick Fuentes has used to justify the persecution of Hasan Piker, and of Medea Benjamin by extension. Fuentes, who’s supposedly anti-Zionist yet has propagandized for the Zionist war on Venezuela, obviously sides with the Epstein regime in its attempt to criminalize Hasan’s Cuba solidarity activities. He’s said that “what we should be doing is imprisoning Hasan Piker Forever,” like his masters in the Epstein cabal want him to say. The fact that he takes a pro-regime position on the question of free speech, as well as on the question of anti-imperialism, speaks to a growing rift within the anti-Zionist right. A rift that could bring many anti-Zionist conservatives into an anti-Epstein, antiwar coalition which genuinely threatens the regime.

Fuentes has made it clear that he’ll never unite with left-wing anti-Zionists, but this isn’t the case for many other right-wing anti-Zionists. There is a growing will among these online figures, and their audiences, to come together with all who stand against the regime. As the urgency of our situation has gotten more apparent, and the regime has grown unapologetic in showing its Satanic nature, much of the audience Fuentes used to have has left him for these other ideological leaders. In 2026, being a groyper means cheering on the war machine, calling for the jailing of regime opponents, and defending Epstein. 

We shouldn’t underestimate the potential for propagandists like Fuentes to proliferate these ideas, since there definitely is a growing part of Gen Z who nihilistically accept everything our ruling class is doing. The response from many former groypers, though, has been to seek out different paths. And this mirrors the disillusionment that’s occurred throughout the wider MAGA base.

We must become more serious about putting the anti-Epstein coalition idea into practice, rather than just talking about it. Our enemies are already moving fast at building a united front of their own. The ones who still truly support what Fuentes advocates for are being brought into a coalition with the neocons, the Azovites, the liberal Zionists, the overt Jewish supremacists, and all the other regime allies.

The purpose of Fuentes, and of the others in the “nihilist right,” was always to draw alienated Americans away from a genuinely patriotic path. This psyop is partly succeeding, but it’s also repelling large parts of the target audience, making it clear to them where today’s primary lines of demarcation exist. The bulk of Americans will not accept even more wars, or the full dismantling of our constitutional freedoms. The nihilist right tells those within its niche that these masses are fools for opposing the regime, and that the only logical path is to acquiesce towards the existing power structure. It applies “might makes right” to the people’s relationship with our government, using the fact that the regime is cracking down as proof that the regime should be supported. As dangerous as this kind of social engineering is, inevitably it would create backlash from its own propaganda subjects, and lead to a split inside the right-wing alt media sphere.

As the conflict within the ruling class turns into a civil war, one of the messages we’ll hear from the fake patriots and fake anti-Zionists is that we have to side with the Trump/Thiel wing. This is what these synthetic “dissident” conservatives have effectively been saying by endorsing the war on Venezuela, and the message will get more overt as the conflict escalates. Parallel to how the DNC-backed “progressives” say we have no choice but to side with the Democrats against the right, the narrative from controlled opposition rightists will be that we must back Thiel against the Soros wing. 

It’s now apparent that Thiel plans to move to Argentina to flee the Soros camp before it takes over, and the nihilist right might try to make him into a heroic rebel. Most certainly they’ll portray Thiel’s politics as being patriotic and revolutionary. They’ll rally support for a counter-coup by the Trump wing, and attempt to re-create America’s past levels of polarization.

With this propaganda, Palantir and its deep state allies are mainly targeting individuals who’ve been disenfranchised by the imperial system, and who want to identify with power because of this. These aren’t the supporters of the Soros wing, who exist within the PMC and the urban workers who want to become PMC; the base for the nihilist right is shut-ins, who increasingly are part of the lumpen. To these left-behinds, the nihilist right offers an opportunity for posturing as if they have agency, which means passively surrendering to the designs of the pedocracy. This thinking has real potential to be propagated among much of today’s thirty-and-under men; but the splits away from Fuentes have proven that there is a strong current of Gen Z who actually have dignity and honor, and won’t be sacrificial lackeys for the regime. They’re the ones who will join with the effort to overthrow the regime, and who will in part lead this effort.

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To lead America’s people to victory, Marxists must fully abandon the Democratic Party

Since 2016, the American people have been on an accelerated journey to find how they can assert their class interests. The lack of a recovery for the workers after 2008, which compelled Americans to seek out new paths with Trump and Sanders, would soon be followed by far greater disruptions. And these shocks demanded a radical turn away from the duopoly, which many Americans undertook by embracing 2020’s trend in conspiracism. This trend was filled with diversions and false consciousness, but it represented a turn towards anti-systemic politics that would come to impact people all across the ideological spectrum. The logical conclusion of these consciousness shifts—even though it hasn’t yet been reached by most—is that only workers revolution can save America.

The American people are already of a mindset that’s compatible with overthrowing their banker dictatorship. This became true during the time between when Washington’s provocations caused the Ukraine proxy war to escalate in February 2022, and when it became clear to most Americans that their government is committing genocide against Gaza’s people. These were the moments that led Americans to abandon the culture war mentality that had reached its peak in 2020, and unite with their neighbors in anti-government anger. 2020’s culture war psyops were the only thing that delayed this newfound counter-hegemonic unity; when our leaders launched new wars after their people had been devastated by the events of 2020, cultural division would no longer be as effective at blunting revolutionary consciousness.

With the discrediting of Trump 2.0, and the MAGA base’s growing desire to escape the duopoly, the only thing holding Americans back from asserting their interests is lack of a cohesive working-class organization. This was always essentially true; it just happened to be that because the working-class infrastructure got wiped out decades ago, the war on the workers was allowed to intensify, causing the masses to embrace a revolutionary position on their own.

It is necessary to clarify that the masses are already compatible with revolution. Understanding this reality doesn’t mean worshipping spontaneity, as Lenin warned against. There is still a way for Marxists to worship spontaneity under conditions like these ones, though: by backing one wing of the ruling class, just because this wing has managed to recapture the proto-revolutionary sentiments within bourgeois politics.

This is what Geese magazine did in a recent article, which praised AOC for making statements that spoke to proletarian patriotism:

In a conversation with David Axelrod at the University of Chicago, AOC talked about how the need to “restructure power to where it belongs” is an aspiration that is found within the heritage of our country; that the American Revolution was a fight against “the billionaires of their time” waged by the toiling masses, which expanded our understanding of democracy significantly from where it began. She ends by saying that it is “the most American thing in the world to be fighting for the working-class” and that it is patently un-American to roll back the democratic gains of the people and “transform our country into a land of kings and landed gentry.”

What AOC articulates well here is that the political project of the working-class must be rooted in the democratic traditions of our country. However, she does this while avoiding the pitfalls that Browder fell into in his handling of this question. Browder focused on and centered the bourgeois democratic figureheads of these movements, which erased the role of the working-class in these struggles, flattened the class struggles that defined these movements and moved them forward, and obscured the class character of their bourgeois ideals. On the other hand—perhaps because of her position as a woman of color representing the populist center-left—AOC prioritizes the historic struggles of the multiracial working-class as the primary movers of history toward a more complete democracy, connecting this momentum to the current fight of today’s American working class against Trump and the billionaire domination of our political system.

This seemingly contradicts the reasoning Geese has put forth for voting Democrat, where supposedly we need to elect Democrats so that they can discredit themselves in the eyes of the masses. This reasoning is consistent, though, with the notion that figures like AOC or Zohran are “moving the overton window,” which the passage above effectively argues. And both ideas are disproven by the events of the last decade.

Sanders is the only social democrat in this era who’s moved the overton window, and this is because he was the one to release the initial popular left-wing energy. Since that moment, every campaign from the socdems has had the effect of neutralizing the workers movement. The positive developments from the “democratic socialist” movement have depended on outside efforts at bringing the disillusioned socdem base into revolutionary politics. And you’re never going to be able to provide such an alternative when you’ve made it your goal to assist the socdems.

The way that Geese argues these two aims are compatible is by pointing to how the socdems are appealing towards the most advanced ideas among the masses. But where have these ideas come from? Who introduced this synthesis between American patriotism and class struggle into the discourse? The Democrats didn’t come up with this rhetoric on their own. They’re copying it from the most successful part of the communist movement, that being the current which grew out of “MAGA communism.” 

We know that the Democrats are studying our methods in this way because since the start of 2026, they’ve been devoting special attention towards our movement. They’ve been waging an artificially boosted smear campaign against us, and this is part of a wider effort to destroy all of today’s anti-imperialist voices. (Hasan Piker being the biggest target.) At the same time, they’ve begun closely echoing our ideas about how we need to build on the American revolution.

If reformists need to copy Marxists to stay in touch with the nation, then Marxists must recognize the particular strength we possess in order for our enemies to want to emulate us. And we must therefore understand that we don’t need the reformists as allies, since this strength comes from our own ability to analyze the nation. They’re only appropriating our analysis. If the masses are ready for revolution, then the only role the “progressive” Democrats can have is to keep them away from this. They’ve been sent in to transform today’s revolutionary ideas into tools for strengthening the empire.

The next main conflict among Marxists will be about whether proletarian patriotism should mean supporting Democrats, or mean building an independent political force. I find Geese worth arguing with because they represent a current within socialism that holds real relevance during our era, as like MAGA communism, it’s based in the working-class patriotism that’s arisen among the American masses. By adopting the language of this patriotism, the socdems are trying to capture these same radicalized masses. They aren’t trying to appeal to the woke leftists, who’ve lost their former relevance; they’re trying to expand the socdem base into the independents and MAGA voters who are receptive towards patriotic economic populism. 

The argument of Geese is that we need to uplift these socdems so that they can expose themselves to the masses. But if this strategy were beneficial towards the workers movement, we would have already seen the socdems have such an impact since they became mainstream over a decade ago. The only path forward is to build our own infrastructure, on the basis of our own politics.

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The “progressive” police state, the urban labor aristocracy, & the empire’s plan to prop itself up

The liberal wing of our ruling class has a plan to save the empire: bribe the strata of urban workers who aspire to become professional-managerial class. This plan is being advanced in the context of an escalating inter-capitalist conflict, where the Trump wing of capital instead seeks to fully destroy what remains of the well-paid workers. In cultural terms, the right-wing has won out; since October 7 caused our ruling class to escalate its war on the pro-Palestine movement, Silicon Valley has gone in a conservative direction, and this shift has reoriented all areas of bourgeois society. The far right still needs the “progressive” politicians to advance its repressive goals, though, as is always the case when fascists go on the advance. 

So as our ruling class grows ever-more aggressive, we’re not going to see a purge of fascism’s left wing, like happened in Nazi Germany; we’re going to see the social democrats play a critical role in the effort to ramp up Washington’s wars, and to crush the American people’s resistance against these wars. We may even see a “progressive” be appointed as the next president, though this depends on what will come from the power struggle inside the Democratic Party. What we’re seeing the “democratic socialists” do so far is enact reforms that help the urban workers, while making sure that none of these policies take away from the police state or the national security state. 

This is the principle that Mamdani has demonstrated by implementing paid family leave, yet not doing anything to disrupt the NYPD. And it’s what we can expect from the other socdems who will come into office off of the momentum that Mamdani has generated: efforts at improving the lives of certain workers, namely the ones in the metropole who won’t get targeted by our intensifying state violence.

When I say that these urban workers are who the liberal wing seeks to bribe, I am not advocating for working-class organizers to give up on winning urban workers to the revolutionary cause. If our class enemies aim to win these workers over through bribes, this means it’s still an open question as to how many of them will take the right side in the class war. Studying the scheme to bribe these urban workers is useful because it lets us understand how we can thwart this attempt at taking away potential allies of ours.

Like I said, this particular current of workers share a desire to gain the same status as the PMC. This impulse to join with the bribed strata is apparent in the crude craft unionism of the Starbucks workplace benefit movement, whose end goal is effectively to create a new mass current of workers which receive comfortable shares of imperial super-profits. It’s significant how during the 2020s, the industry where such a movement has been allowed to gain traction is an industry whose employees are not part of the proper “working class,” i.e. the workers whose labor produces new material gains for society. Construction and factory workers were allowed to have such a movement amid the post-New Deal era, but it’s dubious whether they’ll ever again become treated as well as this by the ruling class. It’s mainly or even exclusively the PMC-adjacent metropolitan workers who the liberal wing wants to elevate.

This is what it looks like for the bourgeoisie to cultivate a pro-imperialist, pro-fascist social base when capital at the same time seeks to keep degrowing the economy. When financial monopolist imperialism was still a young force, and the capitalists were waging their first world war, Lenin pointed to the labor aristocracy as a critical tool in creating support for this project. He observed how in the last generation, this strata had reached a status that caused Engels to recognize its central role in fortifying capital:

On December 7, 1889, Engels wrote to Sorge: "The most repulsive thing here [in England] is the bourgeois 'respectability', which has grown deep into the bones of the workers.... Even Tom Mann, whom I regard as the best of the lot, is fond of mentioning that he will be lunching with the Lord Mayor. If one compares this with the French, one realises, what a revolution is good for, after all." In a letter, dated April 19, 1890: "But under the surface the movement [of the working class in England] is going on, is embracing ever wider sections and mostly just among the hitherto stagnant lowest [Engels's italics] strata. The day is no longer far off when this mass will suddenly find itself, when it will dawn upon it that it itself is this colossal mass in motion." On March 4, 1891: "The failure of the collapsed Dockers' Union; the 'old' conservative trade unions, rich and therefore cowardly, remain lone on the field...." September 14, 1891: at the Newcastle Trade Union Congress the old unionists, opponents of the eight-hour day, were defeated "and the bourgeois papers recognise the defeat of the bourgeois labour party" (Engels's italics throughout)....

That these ideas, which were repeated by Engels over the course of decades, were so expressed by him publicly, in the press, is proved by his preface to the second edition of The Condition of the Working Class in England, 1892. Here he speaks of an "aristocracy among the working class", of a "privileged minority of the workers", in contradistinction to the "great mass of working people". "A small, privileged, protected minority" of the working class alone was "permanently benefited" by the privileged position of England in 1848–68, whereas "the great bulk of them experienced at best but a temporary improvement"

Both Engels and Lenin were speaking prior to the rise of the service economy, when the capitalists deindustrialized the imperial extractive countries and made service work the replacement for the lost jobs. This shift changed the labor aristocracy’s character in many ways. The number of labor aristocrats has shrunk since mid-century, in accordance with the effects from neoliberal austerity; yet the bourgeoisiefied culture that this class represents has remained prevalent. And one of the ways that our ruling class aims to reinforce this culture is by appealing to the bourgeois sentiments among the urban service workers. 

In its effort to expand the pro-imperial base, the liberal wing is looking to lift up the metropolitans who overlap with the PMC in their attitudes towards imperialist exploitation, despite not being PMC themselves. An example is the baristas who don’t view their present work as just being a transient gig, like the bulk of U.S. workers today view their jobs; but who view their jobs as essential “proletarian” labor, and want to make barista work well-paid in the same way that PMC roles are. Which translates into a layer of aspiring labor aristocrats who will back Washington’s Hitlerite wars more vociferously than anyone else. 

This is how crude “Marxism” can be used to ideologically assist a fascist regime. Mussolini used Marxian theories to craft the first narrative concept of fascism, in which syndicalist violence was fused with the bourgeoisie’s fighting wing. The modern equivalents of Mussolini are the actors who prop up imperialism, while claiming to come from a “socialist” position. Among all the enemies that communists and our popular allies face, among the most dangerous are the ones who claim to be serving the proletarian cause, but really believe in cultivating an aristocratic “proletariat” that gets its wealth from genocidal extractivism. My warning here is not about the urban workers in general, but about this particular layer of “Marxists” who’ve come to a synthesis with Hitlerism, and who will increasingly assault the anti-imperialist cause as our class conflict escalates.

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The Zionist right & the “progressive” Dems will unite around brutally repressing America’s people

Amid the release of the Trump White House’s fascistic “counterterrorism” strategy, the Democrats are signaling that they’ll assist in this crackdown plan. We know that this includes the “democratic socialist” politicians, because it’s these “progressives” who’ve been putting forth some of the most aggressive calls for expanding the Epstein regime’s third world war; AOC has said the Democrats need to go further than Trump in waging the assault against Russia, and in advancing the war on Venezuela. The “progressives,” neoliberal Democrats, and Zionist right-wingers are all unified in wanting to purge America of opposition towards the regime’s Hitlerite war goals. 

The neoliberals have shown this unity through their recent campaign to character assassinate everyone with left-wing positions, including figures who the Democrats have been able to use as controlled opposition. (Namely Hasan Piker.) And the socdem leaders tacitly support these smear campaigns, because they fall on the side of those who want to ramp up Washington’s global aggressions.

When these Democrats attack Piker over his pro-China and pro-Palestine views, they’re advancing the first stage in a plan to set America up for massive fascist repression. A plan that’s been explained by the Heritage Foundation’s Project Esther, which demands for our institutions to kick out every person who holds any kind of left-wing belief. Project Esther is nominally about guiding the next actions of the Republican Party, but this anti-leftist purge by the Democrats proves that both wings of our ruling class have decided such a direction is necessary. 

The decision to discard the compatible left was made right after October 7 happened, and Palestine became the primary issue; the Democrats wanted to destroy the pro-resistance left-wingers as much as the Zionist right did. The Democrats just needed to be less aggressive about it until after the 2024 election, which they lost precisely because they could barely pretend to be sympathetic towards the pro-Palestine movement. 

With the coming of Trump 2.0, the liberals and the Zionist right have entered into a coalition, based around making sure that the opposition towards Washington’s genocidal offensive gets annihilated. During Trump’s time in office, this coalition works by having the Republicans primarily lead the repressive efforts, while the Democrats act to marginalize the targets through smear campaigns. In this last year, we’ve seen the House Oversight Committee launch an investigation into the PSL; then we’ve seen the Democrats use their media institutions to attack those who most visibly espouse pro-China and pro-Palestine views, which are the same views that have caused PSL to be persecuted. 

Like Piker, the PSL has also served a useful role for the Democrats, drawing socialists into a fundamentally inert NGO left org that’s uninterested in activities outside electoral campaigns or protests. And appropriately, it’s the PSL that was the first to be targeted in this way, because left-wingers who help the enemy are the most vulnerable to the enemy’s inevitable betrayals.

The reason why the liberal wing had refrained from excluding many people with left-wing positions for a long time, up until that switch in 2023, is because such people are useful to the ruling class as long as they assist the Democrats. For over five decades, the Democratic Party’s role was to bring left-wingers under the same tent as the bourgeois liberals, and assimilate America’s social movements. As part of this effort to neutralize dissent, our ruling institutions have devoted great amounts of resources towards cultivating a left that’s fully state-backed, and that treats Marxism as just another one of bourgeois academia’s “critical theories.”

This strategy has been immensely useful to the imperial power structure, and maybe even critical to its survival during the last couple of generations. So when we see both wings of the ruling class pushing for the liquidation of the compatible left, we know we’re witnessing a shift that’s deeper than any other shift from our lifetime.

Our class enemies have agreed to get rid of the compatible left because they believe the social base for their next warfare plans can stand on its own, without a controlled opposition “radical” current being necessary any longer. They believe this because even though only a minority of Americans support Israel, the war on Iran, or the plans to abolish free speech, there are certain class elements that the empire can successfully bribe into joining this new fascist movement. These elements mainly exist among the urban workers who would benefit from the limited social reforms that the “democratic socialists” will realistically implement.

These politicians will only enact such reforms insofar as they don’t impede the expansion of the police state and the national security state. We’ve seen this in how even though Mamdani has enacted paid family leave, he’s only helped the NYPD. As the regime intensifies its terror against the bulk of the American people, certain Americans will receive new imperial bribes, and will be brought into the base for this Hitlerite project. This matches with the principle about social democracy that Stalin described, where the social democrats are sure to play an essential part in fascism’s efforts:

There is no ground for assuming that the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of Social-Democracy. There is just as little ground for thinking that Social-Democracy can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie. These organisations do not negate, but supplement each other. They are not antipodes, they are twins. Fascism is an informal political bloc of these two chief organisations; a bloc, which arose in the circumstances of the post-war crisis of imperialism, and which is intended for combating the proletarian revolution. The bourgeoisie cannot retain power without such a bloc.

In response to Stalin’s conclusion from this, that being “Social-Democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism,” certain Marxists have argued we should view the socdems more charitably in order to unify against the fascists. They point to how during the years before Hitler took power, the Comintern held a position which was largely hostile towards working with non-communists, and then the anti-fascist forces failed to stop Nazism. This is a true view of that historical moment, but not for the reason these Marxists think.

Indeed the communists made idealist errors during this time that caused unnecessary division; particularly with their embrace of red unions, which needlessly split organized labor. They were not wrong to treat the social democrats as fascists in disguise, though. Because as we have seen throughout history, and continue to see, the socdem leaders reliably assist in capital’s warfare against the working class. When Germany’s Social Democratic Party murdered Rosa Luxemburg, this gave the communists clarity about what they could expect from socdem politicians whenever the workers came to seriously threaten the ruling class. 

This does not mean that communists should cut ourselves off from the workers who’ve been tricked by the socdems, as exemplified by purity fetishist practices like red unions. It means we need to bring these masses into a unified front by exposing the treachery of the socdems. By showing how these “democratic socialists” are in support of the Epstein regime’s third world war, and how this war depends on suppressing dissent, we can make the socdems unable to separate themselves from the fascist repression. We can alert the workers to the attacks that our class enemies are preparing for, and warn them of the betrayals that will inevitably come from the “progressives.”

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Fighting ecocide doesn’t look like liberal “degrowth” schemes. It looks like the Palestinian resistance.

Palestine’s resistance shows what it truly looks like to fight for one’s land, as opposed to the “climate movement” that billionaire NGOs have created. The Palestinians are waging a real struggle to save their water, farmlands, and homes from all-consuming violence. Their fight leaves no room for the misanthropic views of western “climate politics,” because this fight is an existential war for the survival of an entire people. In this conflict, there is no layer of separation between human beings and the planet, like there is within the world of western “environmentalism.” The struggle’s participants don’t feel a need to make arguments like “humans are the virus,” because the connection between the land and the humans who live on it couldn’t be more clear.

This is one of the lessons from the Global South’s liberation struggles which we must internalize as we fight against the data centers, and against the broader ecological violence that’s being multiplied in scope. The nature of these struggles makes them incompatible with the western climate movement’s “degrowth” thinking, which negates class analysis in favor of a “humans vs. the planet” equation. The left within the imperial sphere can afford to ignore the wellbeing of the working masses, because it’s a privileged element that gets its activism resources from finance capital. Within these conditions, it can make sense to further drive down the people’s living standards as a supposed environmental solution. It can never make sense under the conditions of an actual, immediate battle for collective survival.

As our ruling class expands and intensifies its destruction of our lands, and our fight becomes more existential in nature, a danger is that the movements opposing this destruction will operate according to the degrowth logic. We cannot underestimate how much the western left has internalized the thinking of finance capital’s “environmental politics,” and been trained to see humanity or industry as diseases which must be defeated. The west’s “climate movement” has created a large layer of individuals who hold self-hatred for being human, or hatred for civilizational progress; which often translates into a belief that unrestrained adventurist violence is justified by the magnitude of the fight before us.

To the leftists who advocate for adventurism, we can respond: indeed, this fight’s magnitude is overwhelming. It was overwhelming during Lenin’s time too; all of history has been a history of class struggle, with the underclass always being engaged in totalizing battles. And during the battles he was fighting, Lenin had the same analysis on adventurism that today’s serious Marxists do. About the “Socialist-Revolutionies” who promoted terrorism, he observed how

the Socialist-Revolutionaries do not realise that their predilection for terrorism is causally most intimately linked with the fact that, from the very outset, they have always kept, and still keep, aloof from the working-class movement, without even attempting to become a party of the revolutionary class which is waging its class struggle. Over-ardent protestations very often lead one to doubt and suspect the worth of whatever it is that requires such strong seasoning. Do not these protestations weary them?—I often think of these words, when I read assurances by the Socialist-Revolutionaries: “by terrorism we are not relegating work among the masses into the background." After all, these assurances come from the very people who have already drifted away from the Social-Democratic labour movement, which really rouses the masses; they come from people who are continuing to drift away from this movement, clutching at fragments of any kind of theory.

This is the real origin of the ultra-left mentality that we need to embrace spontaneous violent action: a lack of willingness to build a mass movement, and gain the strength that comes from winning the people to your side. The Extinction Rebellion logic that we have to commit provocations against the masses due to an urgency for saving the planet is only a cover for this deficiency.

We can fix this deficiency, if we truly learn from the Global South rather than pretend to learn from it. Since October 7, these same ultra-leftists have portrayed their adventurism as being in tandem with the Palestinian resistance. This is specifically true for the wing within the NGO left that’s genuinely illiberal in its thinking, and whose members have sought out the most radical ideas and activities. 

Unlike the left actors who condemn Hamas to fulfill a gatekeeping role, these ultras represent a rebellious current, one that the liberal institutions are now increasingly seeking to exclude from their circles. Even as these ultras are being shoved out of the liberal sphere, though, they are still liabilities to the revolutionary cause. And one of the things that makes them so harmful is how they claim to be aligned with the world’s popular liberation struggles, while projecting their own destructive libidinal impulses onto these struggles.

Gaza’s resistance couldn’t be more different from the west’s ultra-left. One is based within its nation’s popular masses, while the other is hostile towards the masses. While the Palestinian resistance forces use militancy in a strategic way, the ultras use “militancy” as justification for forsaking strategic thinking. For a Palestinian resistance to even exist, it must be intelligent. It must act with consideration for the conditions that it’s navigating at every given moment, and it must act according to the interests of the people it’s fighting for. There’s no room for infantile errors when you’re facing the threat of annihilation, and any mistake will cost you everything.

The majority of Gen Z Americans now support the Palestinian resistance. This means we have a millions-strong pool of people who could soon enter into the class struggle, while already having a strong anti-imperialist consciousness. It’s our task to provide them with organizational structures that have really learned from the Global South’s struggles, rather than ones that functionally assist finance capital. The danger from the ultra-leftists is that even though they represent a rebellious split from the institutional left, and they truly believe these liberation forces must be supported, this partial consciousness cannot stop them from being destructive. Without our intervention, they’ll lead the next Gen Z movement recruits astray, and get many people arrested or killed while marginalizing revolutionary politics.

At this stage, the most effective thing that we can do to combat the impacts of our systemic crises is provide aid to our communities. Not mutual aid, but aid that’s distributed on behalf of working-class organizers for the purpose of building alternative political power. Through this work, we’ll provide the masses with sources of support that they can rely on as our ruling class continues to engineer a collapse. 

In terms of fighting for an end to this manufactured destruction, the actionable path forward runs primarily through the anti-imperialist struggle. This is something that Greta Thunberg realized after shifting towards the fight against the Gaza genocide, and breaking from the NGO-industrial complex: to defeat the institutions that are destroying humanity’s means to live, we have to fight against the most direct and extreme manifestations of capitalist violence. We have to act in tandem with the Global South’s masses, assisting them in battling against the primary enemy: U.S. hegemony. 

This clarity about what must be done lets us escape the psychological damage from finance capital’s propaganda about climate. As a child, Thunberg became overwhelmed by the fear that the world was going to effectively end due to global warming, a fear that our hegemonic media put great effort into spreading during the early 2010s. But this kind of mental terrorism from our ruling class becomes ineffectual when you enter into a tangible collective struggle, and join in helping people who actually are fighting against their own extinction. It’s by becoming familiar with what such struggles really look like that somebody can overcome terrified paralysis, as well as the fear-based impulse to “take action” without thinking for yourself. If we make our movements connected to the Palestinian struggle, and the other efforts by those fighting off imperial domination, we’ll successfully separate our efforts from the financiers.

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Anti-Zionist MAGA will get a third party, whether from Thomas Massie or from other dissident forces

AIPAC’s war on Thomas Massie has created new hope for the third party movement, hope that had seemed unrealistic until quite recently. And if communists properly navigate this moment, we’ll be able to give the American people the third party that they desperately need.

Even if we don’t get a third party that’s formed by Massie himself, communists are now in position to provide such a party ourselves. It would look different from a Massie-created party, but it would still fulfill the role of an anti-duopoly force that brings in those who share Massie’s politics. When I talk about such a communist-created alternative for MAGA, I don’t just mean the American Communist Party; the ACP is essential to this project, as it’s the only Bolshevik-type U.S. party that was born out of a desire to build upon MAGA’s proto-revolutionary momentum. But it would represent the nucleus of this mass effort, rather than the org that most of these disillusioned conservatives get directly involved in. 

The party has already recruited the bulk of the people who, at this stage, will be willing to become part of actual cadres. The way that we can go into the masses at this point is by building an anti-Epstein popular coalition, one which brings in the Massie sympathizers who’ve just been burned by his defeat against the Zionist lobby. Such a coalition cannot be formed on the basis of top-down communist control, and can only exist in the form of a popular front. A front that the communists are instrumental in constructing, but that’s compatible with all of the mass elements which share an interest in its goals. This was how William Z. Foster said we would need to build a mass labor party: as something that’s an entity unto itself, distinct from the communist party and therefore able to include the non-communist majority.

Foster said this in 1935, at a moment when the American people were increasingly unified in opposition to the capitalist order but the global working class was facing a fascist offensive. Foster pointed out the obstacles that the communists would need to overcome in order to build such an alternative mass organization:

In the building of an American labor party, the growing Communist Party confronts a huge task. It will have to do the bulk of the work. Upon it rests the chief responsibility of convincing the masses of the need to build a mass labor party, exploding the fascist demagogy and of overcoming the opposition to a labor party among the reactionary trade-union leadership, of building up the necessary united front among the various labor organizations, etc. And, even more important, especially will it fall to the Communist Party to prevent the new labor party itself from falling under reactionary leadership and thus becoming an instrument of fascist reaction; and to make of it a force that will lead the workers along the road to revolutionary struggle. Hard tasks are these, and they will test all the Bolshevik strength and leadership of our Party. 

The third party movement’s obstacles today are much like the ones it faced in 1935, but they’re also different in important ways. Chiefly in how the project that the communist party was tasked with then, where the imperative was to build a labor party specifically, isn’t the same as the third party that we’re tasked with building now. We don’t yet know whether this party will take the form of an organization that’s started by Massie, in which case the communists will have the role of making an alliance with it; or if the ACP itself will need to effectively become the third party that Massie’s base increasingly desires.

The possibilities for what this third party will look like are so open because right now, the U.S. labor movement is far from being sufficiently rebuilt, and therefore the main avenues for mass movements exist outside of organized labor. The proper definition of class consciousness is when the workers have become directly involved within the class struggle; but in the absence of strong organized labor, you need to look for “class consciousness” in the ideas that the masses hold. The American masses already hold revolutionary ideas, Massie’s popularity is proof of this. All that stands in the way of these Americans asserting their interests is how we haven’t yet created a means for collective mass organization.

There is a difference between mass organization and electoral campaigns, and more of the people are coming to understand this. The consistent ruling class electoral sabotage of dissident leaders could push Americans to build a popular force outside the duopoly. This depends on whether the trained cadre members provide them with the tools to do this.

The first major steps in this project will have to be an anti-Epstein coalition, assistance to anti-Zionist MAGA’s third party efforts, and the other political projects that the masses can engage with in the present stage. The masses would also love to organize against their employers, but it will take longer for us to provide them with the infrastructure for doing so on a giant scale; putting together an anti-Epstein coalition or a third party are both easier than reconstructing American labor’s institutional power, which will require skills that U.S. communists are only beginning to re-learn. The constraints we have don’t come from the American masses not being advanced enough; they’re far more advanced than Marxists have typically given them credit for. The constraints come from how we haven’t yet done nearly enough of the revolutionary work that should have been done decades ago. In the present phase, our main task is to correct this problem.

This moment, where the anti-Zionists in the MAGA base have been confronted with electoralism’s limitations, represents a potentially massive opportunity for us to expand the revolutionary struggle. This doesn’t mean the party’s membership will multiply, at least not for the time being. But it does mean the party will be able to gain allies among libertarians, independents, disillusioned MAGA, and alienated Democrat voters—that is, if we seize this opportunity. The conditions have made our task abundantly clear, and we must fulfill history’s demands.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.