Gender war opportunists, western individualism, & the working-class politics that can rescue the family

In left-wing politics, including actual left-wing orgs, there has been a troubling trend since the Cornell 7 case broke. What we’ve seen is a rise in efforts to cynically exploit sexual assault justice for one’s personal gain, and fuel the gender war discourse psyop that threatens to divide the working masses.

This was recently shown when a member of a major anti-imperialist organization made a public controversy out of business that should have remained private. I say it should have been kept internal because within any democratic centralist structure, it’s by definition wrecking behavior to engage in “callout culture” (which I’ve decided to refrain from here by not linking to the post). in this case, the wrecker used the org’s official social media to target another member with vague accusations, then claimed to be victimized by the org when it took away their ability to post. This incident is worth talking about because if you’re in organizing, more disruptive acts like it are now more likely to impact your groups as well. 

Cornell is giving inspiration to every individual in these spaces who’s driven by individualist egotism, whether they’re performative “male feminists” or simply someone who doesn’t respect collective discipline. We must combat these problems within our sphere—not by promoting more callout culture, but by enforcing the same standards that are practiced by the world’s effective revolutionary parties and movements.

The actors who seek to abuse organizing structures in this way use the rationale that they’re supposedly combating gender oppression. And there are a couple counters we can use towards this that are based in historical working-class political theory. One is that as Lenin clarified, you do not have the right to mete out “justice” on your own personal terms just because you’re coming from a place of opposition towards the system. This was one of the messages of Dostoyevsky, and there’s a continuity between his thinking and Lenin’s thinking; Dostoyevsky’s whole life’s work was a critique of how narcissistic individuals, who can include “radicals,” believe they possess the authority to define what justice is. Lenin came to the same conclusion when he repudiated the adventurist ultraviolence of the Narodniks.

The other theoretical lesson that refutes the logic of these self-styled feminist crusaders comes from Kollontai, who ridiculed the feminists which put forth “palliatives” that substitute sexual revolution for actual class liberation. This observation predicted everything we’re seeing happen with today’s gender relations, where the traditional family has been replaced by nothing and relationships themselves are increasingly dying out:

How feeble these palliatives, when considered in the light of the gloomy reality of our modern family structure. Before these formulas of “free relationships” and “free love” can become practice, it is above all necessary that a fundamental reform of all social relationships between people take place; furthermore, the moral and sexual norms and the whole psychology of mankind would have to undergo a thorough evolution, is the contemporary person psychologically able to cope with “free love"? What about the jealousy that eats into even the best human souls? And that deeply-rooted sense of property that demands the possession not only of the body but also of the soul of another? And the inability to have the proper respect for the individuality of another? The habit of either subordinating oneself to the loved one, or of subordinating the loved one to oneself? And the bitter and desperate feeling of desertion, of limitless loneliness, which is experienced when the loved ceases to love and leaves? 

Where can the lonely person, who is an individualist to the very core of his being, find solace? The collective, with its joys and disappointments and aspirations, is the best outlet for the emotional and intellectual energies of the individual. But is modern man capable of working with this collective in such a way as to feel the mutually interacting influences? Is the life of the collective really capable, at present, of replacing the individual’s petty personal joys? Without the “unique,” “one-and-only” twin soul, even the socialist, the collectivist, is quite alone in the present antagonistic world; only in the working class do we catch the pale glimpse of the future, of more harmonious and more social relations between people.

This is why it’s so critical to root out individualist relationship-related wrecking inside of any working-class org: enforcing collective discipline inside the movement is the only way to realize such a future, where all the participants in civilization are given strong community bonds and a cause that they can partake in alongside others. 

It’s the struggle to make these bonds accessible to all people, after technology has outmoded the old forms of social relations, that’s actually the problem we need to focus on amid today’s birthrate decline. The problem with the global collapse in pair-bonding is not necessarily that fewer babies are being born; an economic model that depends on a perpetually growing population isn’t built to last, and socialist China has created an alternative system that can give sustainably good lives to hundreds of millions of old people. The real problem is that people are coming to feel like they have nothing to strive for because they can’t start families anymore, and increasingly can’t even get reliable friends either. The mindset of these Cornell-inspired radical leftists is that this isn’t a serious issue, because they believe “men” are getting what they deserve; which is an outright reactionary position to take, and fully aligns with the interests of the class enemy.

We’re already far enough along in our civilizational decline to see the outcome of the false individualist “revolution” Kollontai warned about. In the United States, there are thirty million men who are single today, whereas they no doubt largely would have had relationships just a generation ago; and you can say these men are incels or whatever, but how is this argument any different from the right-wing demagoguery that attacks all the working families who’ve had to go on food stamps since 2008? Moreover, can you honestly say this situation isn’t also hurting women? We know how much mental health harm comes to both of the sexes when a society has gone down the path we’re headed for; Japan and south Korea have shown us this. 

The damage from living in these conditions starts when somebody is a child; you aren’t going to get crucial developmental experiences when you’re growing up as one of the few people your age in your neighborhood or hometown, as illustrated by the Japanese schools with just a handful of children. Under-socialization is just one part of what can break a person; but it’s a kind of tragedy that’s compounded by, and often comes from, the ever-intensifying class exploitation that afflicts all of these countries. 

Each of these problems is connected, and our hopes to solve these problems is only hurt by the attitudes that vilify social scapegoats within the working class; with the “incel men” being one of today’s most culturally acceptable targets of this cruelty. Demonizing people for being lonely creates a self-fulfilling prophecy; Japan has also shown us how people start to act when they’ve never known anything other than atomization, and see no hope of escaping it. In Japan, there’s emerged a phenomenon called “invincible people”—individuals who believe they have nothing to lose, and who commit public murders that are completely random. 

These are the kinds of illnesses a society will see when it takes away its own basis for continuing, which is why China hasn’t responded to its birthrate decline with apathy; it’s giving more and more financial incentives to families who have children. This won’t solve the problems that are stopping new families from forming in the first place, but at least the CPC has the guiding philosophy that will let it serve as the vehicle for reconstructing these social foundations. As the deeper contradictions from globalization and technological upheaval continue to be drawn out, inevitably the world will see a healing from this problem. What we can do in our own organizing is cultivate real community bonds, uncorrupted by the pettiness that an atomized society has conditioned people into. Only with this internal strength can we defeat the institutional class structures that are strangling our civilization.

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Amid MAGA’s death, Marxism will rise up to defeat the Soros wing’s schemes

MAGA truly died years ago, with a critical point in its demise being when Trump ran on a platform of increasing NATO funding in 2024. It was already obvious that Trump would betray MAGA’s anti-war mandate; but when he made this pivot again, even after the American people had become unified against their government’s imperial projects, it was clear that Trump’s brand would not be able to survive his second term. Now the only ones behind this brand are evangelicals, boomers, and transplants from the Jewish settler entity. This collapse has been so total that it’s now blocked success for MAGA in Brazil, even with all of the interference by the White House, Meta, Musk, and “Israel.”

It’s the disillusioned former supporters of this movement, along with the outcasted Gen Z Palestine supporters and the nonaffiliated masses, who will vanquish the Soros faction’s attempts to fill the vacuum left by MAGA’s death. Right-wing demagogy has lost its former strength not because people are running back to the liberal establishment, as Alex Soros would have us believe, but in fact because people hate this establishment with an unprecedented intensity. 

What’s happened is that the masses, both in the West and in the Global South’s middle-class pockets, have become too widely fatigued over the false alternative that these conservative populists present. Therefore within the petite bourgeois base that this politics appeals to, there’s a growing amount of apathy. These popular elements hate the liberal hegemony more than ever, but they increasingly no longer care about the “new right” and “anti-woke” figures, who’ve now had enough time to reveal themselves as appendages to liberalism. AFD’s victory actually further proves this, because AFD is against the war on Russia; the right can only be popular when it genuinely defies the liberal order in some way, with war now being the most important issue.

In this environment, the revolutionary forces have new potential to build Mao-style class alliances, where the Communist Party unifies the different groups with an interest in defeating imperialism. But beyond this task of winning over the petty-bourgeoisie—which is definitely important—the conditions have given us a much bigger mission: to wage the anti-liberal campaign which MAGA falsely promised it would bring. To embody this authentic version of the spirit behind MAGA, we’ll need to combat one of the core mistaken beliefs that let grifters hijack revolutionary sentiments: the notion that defeating liberal tyranny means returning us to a previous state of history, which can supposedly be restored through sheer idealist willpower.

This belief comes from the fallacy that all things are static, and therefore when what existed before gets overrun by new problems, the solution must be to turn back the clock of history. Right now, as the liberal wing of bourgeois politics aims to supplant the MAGA wing, it’s actually re-creating this same right-wing logical error by seeking to “abolish” the new AI developments. Mao explained why this view of contradictions, where any issue is seen as something we can simply get rid of by being “trad” enough, is foundationally flawed:

The metaphysical or vulgar evolutionist world outlook sees things as isolated, static and one-sided. It regards all things in the universe, their forms and their species, as eternally isolated from one another and immutable. Such change as there is can only be an increase or decrease in quantity or a change of place. Moreover, the cause of such an increase or decrease or change of place is not inside things but outside them, that is, the motive force is external. Metaphysicians hold that all the different kinds of things in the universe and all their characteristics have been the same ever since they first came into being. All subsequent changes have simply been increases or decreases in quantity. They contend that a thing can only keep on repeating itself as the same kind of thing and cannot change into anything different. In their opinion, capitalist exploitation, capitalist competition, the individualist ideology of capitalist society, and so on, can all be found in ancient slave society, or even in primitive society, and will exist for ever unchanged.

What we have to offer those who are disillusioned with globalization, and are looking for an authentic source of dissent, is a political movement that comes from real understanding of how these historical problems get resolved. Financial parasitism, the great evil of the present civilizational stage, can only be ended through popular efforts to gain and defend national sovereignty; the people already know this basic truth, so the right-wing demagogues fraudulently say they’ll bring such sovereignty. What makes “rightist” politics unable to fulfill this mandate is that it’s based within the metaphysical view—or rather the vulgar metaphysical view—where the problem is seen as something external to the system in which we live. This is the thinking that creates endless scapegoats for the usurer problem, stopping us from finding the answer to the historical riddle we’re faced with.

As communists, we should reject any impulses to LARP social conservatism; let the “rightists” keep their backward logic about cultural grievance issues being the source of today’s crises. To combat all remaining attitudes that misdiagnose “culture” as the source of poverty, and to build a mass force that can overcome the class enemy’s next attacks, we must show the people what a fully operating communist movement looks like. We have to take on the roles of leadership in defending working-class interests that American communists used to fill; which is always how Marxists are realistically going to win over the vast majority of their allies among the masses. It’s by earning these communist credentials that we can translate our movement’s memetic potential, which is very real, into the kind of power that will give you serious relevance during a popular uprising. 

A larger uprising than France is coming, there’s no doubt about it; the question is how effective we’ll be at uniting the different discontented elements, and stopping the rightists in their efforts to demonize the revolts. Because we’re against the adventurist political actors who seek to exploit revolts, but we always support any authentic mass defiance against the liberal hegemony. This is the message we must send to the people as inflation keeps exploding, and they see more of their peers rise up in response.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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The Epsteinite network’s roots run deep, so our campaign against it must look like a Cultural Revolution

What Americans have seen so far of the Epsteinite network is only one tip within the structure; the rest is for us to investigate, and to dismantle in our own communities. I’m not just talking about the over 2 million Epstein documents that the DOJ still hasn’t released, and that we should work to pressure our lawmakers into publishing. I’m mainly talking about the infrastructure of crime that goes down to some of the lowest levels in the public sector, and in the businesses that take advantage of an environment designed for abuse.

The approach the anti-Epstein movement needs is to carry out investigations on the local level, exposing the abuses that are happening right in our neighborhoods; while rallying the masses against the system behind it, which is what Michael Hudson calls “super-imperialism.” This is the dollar supremacy that lets the United States exercise a level of control where it can centrally direct the world’s systems of exploitation, including sexual exploitation. And we are capable of bringing this analysis to the conspiracy investigators who are looking for a grand explanation.

In this era, the bulk of the American people are apolitical, but this actually shows they’re ready to receive such a message about the entire power structure being illegitimate. The “average worker” often actively seeks out deeper analyses, so our anti-Epsteine messaging should absolutely include these broader economic theories. What this educational work gains from agitprop about the Epstein class is that it provides a tangible enemy within the class war, which is the exact consciousness that makes a people ready for revolution. It encourages the people to dig deeper; and the deeper you go into the workings of the pedocracy, the more clear these revolutionary battle lines become.

Only finance can make you rich off of child sacrifice

There are companies named in the files whose locations or products you can find in any populated area. JP Morgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, and Victoria’s Secret are among the most prominent within these documents; but an entity that may be overlooked when going over the list of these business entities is the Blackstone Group, which was talked about as being part of a larger financial network and source of social connections for those within the trafficking operation. It’s this thread that I’m choosing to follow here, because though Blackstone has only 55 mentions compared to JP Morgan’s 28 thousand, the character of Blackstone’s role invites endless questions. The banks had the role of wire transfers for the criminals involved; the Blackstone connection has to do with Epstein’s place within an elite-run illicit world that’s centuries older than him, and that’s only expanded its techno-cartel presence since his alleged death in 2019.

One detail that stands out is how it was Blackstone which was sending Ghislaine Maxwell information about the allocable share of partnership items in her income tax returns. Because this isn’t only a case of rich people handling taxes differently than the rest of us do; Blackstone has a central significance in the structure of financial speculation, including the parts of it that relate to intelligence blackmail, human trafficking, and American foreign policy.

If the connections I’m drawing sound too broad, consider two big realities within this story: 1) there’s a revolving door between intelligence positions and financial firms like Blackstone or Blackrock, because high-level intel access gives you special insights into which countries to invest in after the USA intervenes in them. And 2) the U.S. offers its foreign policy officials the option of abusing a child trafficking victim, because whether or not they take up this offer, their mere knowledge of the abuse network makes them implicated and thereby controllable. 

This foreign policy blackmail process was already being talked about decades before the Epstein files were released, but the files include enough evidence to show it’s still happening. Epstein established a business relationship with the U.S. ambassador to Turkey Tom Barrack; it’s common knowledge that he was in collaboration with Israeli and Saudi officials; his involvement with Bill Clinton potentially gave him leverage over not just the Clinton White House itself, but also the Obama State Department through Hillary Clinton.

This is not to present the classic conspiracy thesis about how a small cabal is orchestrating everything. This idea comes from a misinterpretation of the actual ruling system, which is one that’s fundamentally cybernetic—that’s designed to reinforce itself, regardless of the will of any individuals inside the structure. No one is in control, the system itself is in control. The purpose of these sexual abuse blackmail operations—which really are a means of initiation and trust-building for those inside the club—is to sanctify this structure’s workings in a way that makes the participants feel in control. 

Everything about the design in Epstein’s abuse ritual sites was made to adhere to the teachings of Satanism, i.e. degenerate “let people enjoy things” liberalism codified into sadistic fraternity rituals. This space was made for people who genuinely believe they can gain power through sacrificing human lives to demons. These are the most high-level enemies we’re dealing with in the class war: monsters who compensate for their mortal lack of true godly dominance by acting as cannibals, murderers, and rapists. Though the details on how Epstein built his fortune are still foggy, it’s clear he couldn’t have done it without taking advantage of this insecurity among the powerful; he was a terrible investor, which means he must have relied heavily on “financial management” fees from individuals who sought a kind of strength beyond capital. His success is evidence of just how addicted these individuals are to orchestrating the rituals, and feeling such libidinal energy.

There’s no longer any need to convince the people that they’re ruled by this evil. All the educational work that dissident journalists and organizers have done over this last generation is now paying off, in a way, because awareness about the regime’s Satanic nature has become universal. The great danger is that this will turn into normalization of these evils, rather than mass action; which was exactly what our government sought to bring about with its curated version of the Epstein documents. To stop this outcome, we must prepare the people for a confrontation with the usury structure behind all of this. Which means making all the anti-Epstein movement’s local accountability activities part of a global-scale, internationalist solidarity push, undertaken to destroy what usury has grown into.

A coercion system that’s modeled by the sex industry

In Super Imperialism: The Origins and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance, Hudson explains how the United States

achieved what no earlier imperial system had put in place: a flexible form of global exploitation that controlled debtor countries by imposing the Washington Consensus via the IMF and World Bank, while the Treasury bill standard obliged the payments-surplus nations of Europe and East Asia to extend forced loans to the U.S. Government. Against dollar-deficit regions the United States continued to apply the classical economic leverage that Europe and Japan were not able to use against it. Debtor economies were forced to impose economic austerity to block their own industrialization and agricultural modernization. Their designated role was to export raw materials and provide low-priced labor whose wages were denominated in depreciating currencies. 

Against dollar-surplus nations the United States was learning to apply a new, unprecedented form of coercion. It dared the rest of the world to call its bluff and plunge the international economy into monetary crisis. That is what would have happened if creditor nations had not channeled their surplus savings to the United States by buying its Government securities.

If you know anything about the sex industry—not the sanitized OnlyFans version, but the prostitution networks that truly define the business—these tactics look familiar when talking about Epsteinite abuse. What the sex economy depends on is for its laborers to have no other options, and therefore be completely dependent on (as well as at the mercy of) those who offer them this work. To destroy the financial system that created these abusive power structures, we’ll need to wage war against the culture that legitimizes this abuse; that portrays it as empowering for disadvantaged people, mainly impoverished women and children, to be pressured into giving up all of their bodily autonomy.

This kind of evil is as old as class society; but with the USA’s global currency takeover, and the subsequent “Americanization” of the world, the bulk of humanity was set back in its efforts to make assault-for-profit a thing of the past. This happened most dramatically in the former Soviet Union, where prostitution became massive right after American “freedom” had won. It’s also what the Epsteinite regime wishes it could bring to all of the countries that have sovereignty from Washington’s monetary control system; and this reality is critical for us to bring attention to. Because if the American masses have already figured out that they’re ruled by pedophiles, then connecting U.S. imperialism to the idea of an “Epstein class” will catalyze a new phase of popular struggle. A phase where the working masses wage a Cultural Revolution to root out all the institutional elements that are facilitating these abuses.

By making “Epstein class” synonymous with bankers’ wars, we’ll be able to rally the people behind the righteous mandate of America’s next revolution. Or rather we’ll be able to act in tune with the people, who already recognize this mandate and are already familiar with the “Epstein class.” The project to end the crimes of this class will have to be long-term, which is why I describe it as America’s own Cultural Revolution. Like in China, America likely won’t be rid of many of its contradictions even after a workers revolution has come. So our civilization will only be able to truly extinguish these systems of abuse through a sustained, collective accountability project. 

This is what the American communist movement has been advocating for through its idea of an anti-Epstein coalition: alliances within our communities that are focused around exposing interpersonal harm by those in power, and bringing the guilty to justice. These exploiters and abusers are enabled in every way by the cybernetic system; they can get a steady lineup of victims because of the economic conditions the system has engineered, and the power imbalances in this economy let them cover up the abuse. It’s by rallying the masses around outrage towards these evils that we can overcome the system’s seeming impenetrability, and let humanity defeat power structures that are deeply alien. The anti-Epstein popular momentum will break through all the obstacles the cybernetic order has put in place, and bring balance to a corrupted reality.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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To stop liberal opportunists from co-opting Palestine’s struggle, we must listen to the resisters themselves

Within pro-Palestine spaces, there is a growing backlash to the problem of “anti-Zionists” who seek to protect perceived Jewish innocence. As I’ve talked about, the purveyors of this Judeophilic “pro-Palestine” politics will use any rhetorical trick to downplay Judaism’s role in Palestine’s colonization, with a recent tactic of theirs being to portray settler-colonialism as a purely “white” phenomenon. The question of whether it’s productive to try separating Judaism from Zionism has become a major point of contention within the left; Zionists have been so effective at creating fear of being labeled “antisemitic” that many anti-Zionists still act beholden to this fear, and seek to prove themselves as PC. 

It’s this cowardice that a growing number of Palestine allies are fed up with, and in their drive to escape the Zionist hegemony, they’re embracing rhetoric that the hegemony would utterly demonize them for. Indeed those with our position will be demonized, when we become mainstream enough that the false “pro-Palestine” actors can no longer upstage us. Those who’ve embraced a genuine pro-Palestine politics have already accepted that we’ll be made pariahs; and this fuels our confidence in calling out the Jewish ethno-narcissism inside our movement. 

The advice I have for my fellow participants in this backlash is to first and foremost take guidance from the actual resistance; this is what can give us the grounding we’ll need to most effectively combat these covert Jewish supremacists, who we certainly shouldn’t be afraid to challenge but who still hold a monopoly over the discourse. The Palestinian movement has been dealing with this narrative disadvantage from the start, so its participants know best how to outmaneuver the enemy’s manipulations. 

One example of how we shouldn’t go ahead of the resistance is on the question of dealing with the colonizers. Many radical leftists have discussed simply getting them out of Palestine entirely; and it’s true that the indigenous population will remain an underclass as long as the demographics remain in favor of a deeply racial supremacist Jewish majority, even if Jews and Palestinians come to have equal voting rights. A point which others in the movement recently raised with me, though, is that these discussions about expelling the Jews from Palestine are counterproductive to the cause; aside from the practicality of the idea, this rhetoric can only confuse our intended audience about what we stand for.

We must learn from the strategic wisdom of the resistance, which knows that the bulk of the colonizers will leave anyhow when Palestine becomes strong enough. This is why Hamas supports a two-state solution, at least in the short term: when Palestine gets a real state, the indigenous people will become able to regain their demographic advantage, with the inevitable outcome being that no version of “Israel” can survive.

The Palestinian resistance factions have most certainly thought about the demographic question. That they’ve needed to think about it so much is why they don’t approach this question idealistically, like those with less experience in the struggle often do. We don’t need to engage in hypothetical argumentative battles, and the resistance has directly explained to us which battles we do need to fight. Among the most important ones being the effort at defeating pro-normalization institutions and political charlatans, as the PFLP described in its Nakba statement last year. This statement was speaking to Palestinians, but its instructions apply to everybody:

We renew our call for complete liberation from the Oslo Accords and its consequences, ending the PA's obligations resulting from them, halting security coordination and all forms of persecution of the resistance, reversing all dangerous and arbitrary decisions regarding allocations for the families of martyrs, prisoners, the wounded, and the freed, severing all forms of dependence on American-zionist projects, and moving towards building a unified arena of struggle that expresses the free will of the Palestinian people…

The masses of our nation, its intellectuals, and its vital forces must rise up to support our struggle and confront the genocide war against our people. They must reject all forms of normalization with the zionist enemy, and confront the project of neo-colonial hegemony and plans to fragment the region.

The way we can combat these problems as Palestine allies is by discrediting and isolating the opportunists who seek to co-opt the Palestinian cause. What we should take as a warning for the future tactics of “pro-Palestine” liberalism is this week’s stunt by the liberal Zionist Brad Lander. After Lander traveled to the West Bank with a group of volunteers to observe an olive harvest, and they were briefly detained, Lander made a statement condemning the latest action by the resistance. It’s clear that after he had carried out this effort to promote himself as one of the “good” Zionists, Lander felt he could more effectively paint the genocide’s perpetrators as victims. 

One good sign is that the post he made condemning the resistance got absolutely ratioed, and this is indicative of a broader backlash to the Mamdani liberal Zionist tendency which backed Lander. The people who’ve been following the genocide of course will easily see through Jewish supremacy’s narrative manipulations, and these “progressive” supremacists are meeting a limit in how much they can narratively get away with. The question is whether we’ll manage to translate this growing anti-colonial consciousness into a mass working-class boycott against the Zionist entity, like Palestine’s union federation has instructed us to do.

Among the working masses, the anger is approaching a breaking point, with outrage towards the genocide being a critical aspect of this anger. When the riots in France come to America, a larger working-class offensive may begin, where we reverse the period of revolutionary retreat that we’ve been in for these last few years. Whether the next spontaneous uprisings turn into such a victory depends on how well we can organize the people; which in part depends on our effectiveness in getting people out of the DSA’s sphere. We need to make the connection between the obviously hypocritical Brad Lander figures, and the “progressive” movement that seeks to give legitimacy to their exploitation of Palestinians. We need to go into organized labor, and lead anti-Zionist boycotts that can sustain themselves. This is how we follow the leadership of the ones at the anti-Zionist fight’s center: by sabotaging the empire’s overt and covert efforts to maintain the occupation.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.

Jewish ethno-narcissism, modern settler-colonialism, & the contradiction DSA’s politics can’t reckon with

If we’re going to defeat the Judeophilic ethno-narcissism that pervades far too many “pro-Palestine” spaces, we’ll need to discredit the ultra-leftist view on what settler-colonialism means. This is the view that says today’s white Americans are settlers, and the modern United States is a settler-colonial entity like so-called “Israel” is. Because as recent events have shown, this narrative serves a useful role in obscuring Jewish supremacy.

What’s clarified the connection between this kind of “decolonial” leftism, and Jewish ethno-narcissism, is the Judeophilic rhetoric that’s come from DSA in particular. At this year’s DSA Socialism Conference, a “socialist” who’s gone on a Birthright trip to occupied Palestine made a statement in which they sought to paint settler-colonialism as a purely “white” phenomenon—with the implication being that Jewish settler-colonialism doesn’t exist. This individual framed their argument as a way of furthering education about institutional racism in the United States, playing into the standard idpol attitude that you must always be careful to use the most precise language. Which wouldn’t be interesting on its own, except this was coming from somebody with a direct stake in maintaining perceived Jewish innocence. And this moment, small as it may seem, happened in the context of an intensifying rift inside the left over whether we should accept these Jewish victimization narratives.

As Mamdani consistently betrays the pro-Palestine cause, the DSA’s leaders need to justify his “combat antisemitism” policy, and his condemnations of Palestine’s liberation struggle. The only way these liberal Zionists can do this is by shifting the blame for the genocide away from the people who are committing it. Their tactics include portraying Netanyahu as the core source of the problem, and redefining “Zionism” to mean “acting outwardly racist against Arabs” rather than supporting a Jewish state. But another trick of theirs, one that’s directed specifically at leftists, is to frame Jewish supremacy as being just another kind of white supremacy. Which is where it becomes so convenient to depict today’s America as “settler-colonial.”

Since the genocide made this narrative more prominent, we’ve seen refutations of it come from parts of the left that those within my own tendency have criticized for being too pro-idpol. One instance of this is Freedom Road Socialist Organization, whose theoretician J. Sykes has explained why the USA is no longer in its settler-colonial stage:

U.S. settler-colonialism is a particular social formation with a particular set of contradictions at the heart of it. Historically it is a transitionary period in the early development of the capitalist mode of production. It is characterized by the dominant role played by the contradiction between settlers on the one hand and colonized people on the other. This contradiction is the main thing shaping the trajectory of the capitalist mode of production in the period of “primitive accumulation” during its nascent development. In this way, settler-colonialism fueled the rapid growth of the capitalist mode of production in the early United States…

In a relatively short span of time, the U.S. went from being a colony to an imperialist power. The old colonial system based on the export of commodities was transformed into an imperialist system based on the export of capital. The financial oligarchy which came to dominate the U.S. sought to solve its growing crises through the oppression of whole nations and peoples, at home and abroad, in order to extract super-profits to prop up its rotten system. The multinational working class and the liberation movements of oppressed nationalities found themselves with a common enemy – the monopoly capitalist class. Thus, a united front against monopoly capitalism, based on the strategic alliance of the multinational working class and the oppressed nations, became both possible and necessary.

It’s this goal of an authentic mass working-class movement that these liberal and “labor” Zionists seek to divert socialist politics away from. Within DSA, a very large minority still explicitly call themselves “Zionist,” and their aim is to rehabilitate the image of Jewish supremacy by any means necessary. The crypto-Zionists and Judeophilic “anti-Zionists” who make up the majority are being led along by these proud Zionist actors, and made to participate in the effort at whitewashing Jewish settler-colonialism. The good news is that as time goes on, more within the pro-Palestine base are coming to see the racist role DSA plays.

DSA’s racism is of the same kind as what Bernie Sanders has put forth; it’s driven by the egocentric mentality that led Sanders to be inspired by the “socialist” Kibbutzims, where Jewish settlers have built “egalitarian” communities next to the concentration camps they’ve put Palestinians into. Though the socdem tendency has lately tried to distance itself from Sanders due to his undeniably supremacist positions, they can’t really be separated when Mamdani is now doing all he can to normalize this same supremacist politics. When Sanders first popularized socdem politics as we know them today, his assistance in Palestine’s ethnic cleansing didn’t come up as a major point of contention within the left, because the consciousness hadn’t yet shifted on Palestine. But now you can’t represent yourself as a left-wing leader without being widely judged on Palestine.

The logical conclusion of this awakening is a scenario where the pro-Palestine movement takes on a new form, rebuilding itself after the damage that opportunists did to it. One of the next things we’re going to see debates over will be about whether “equal rights” is something the movement should actually be advocating for, given the reality that “Israeli” society is almost universally racist and continues to grow more violent towards Palestinians. 

The view that the settlers should no longer be welcome in Palestine—not just the newest settlers, but the broader colonizer population—is a real part of this conversation. And to any of the “coexistence” libs who will cry out in response to this, we can say: what right do these colonizers have to remain within Palestinian territory? How have they proven themselves deserving of guesthood when all but a few disparate renegades have participated in the genocidal crimes, and aren’t interested in paying restitution for these crimes?

The trick of the socdem liberal Zionists is to assert that the anti-Netanyahu settlers have shown they’re on the right side. And this is actually how we can expose these covert Jewish supremacists; because the moment the Judeophiles engage in this move to settler innocence, we can easily delineate and identify where their politics truly lies. The critical part is for us to be uncompromising in our rhetoric, and not primarily try to “debate” this sneaky version of Jewish supremacy. We can’t truly debate genocidal politics, we have to focus on rallying the enemies of these politics. This is what we’re building to when we make the DSA a focal point in our rhetoric; the point of calling out DSA’s racism is to shift the discourse, and make it unfeasible for liberal Zionists to confuse the people about where they stand.

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The masses have rejected duopoly-culture war politics. Communism provides the framework they’re looking for.

What is the core logical mistake that makes somebody susceptible to the duopoly-based, culture war grievance brainrot our ruling class produces? How did the class enemy successfully convince Americans to become at each other’s throats in 2020, and do the bidding of those who are behind our engineered collapse? What it did with this manipulation was get people to project the American exceptionalist ideology’s own immaturity and binary thinking onto dissident politics, including communism. 

The spectre of communism, among other counter-hegemonic ideas, was beginning to tangibly haunt the nation by that time; so the establishment’s propaganda responded by accusing communists and other dissidents of wanting to subvert reality, in the fashion of Karl Rove’s maxim that “when we act, we create our own reality.” After those within my tendency had come to the Marxist-Leninist position, and recognized our era’s geopolitical conflict as being a confrontation between imperialism and multipolar politics, we stood accused of wanting to forcibly transform the society in which we live. 

This is the essence of what right-wingers mean when they assert communists are “woke”: they’re accusing us of denying the inescapable rules within civilization, and arrogantly seeking to reshape reality in our own image. To be sure, plenty of self-described Marxists have made this error, but the journey we’ve been is one of learning to reject such megalomaniacal thinking. Throughout all this time, the goal of regime shills has been to conflate all revolutionary politics with such hubristic egocentrism, sending the message that if you think the hegemony can be beaten, you’re nothing but an idealist.

When the ruling class orchestrated the “anti-woke” psyop, it was able to take advantage of the Manichean framework within the American psyche—the framework that says all of history is a conflict between the pure divine side, and the forces of the devil. It was through this lens that the communist movement—or rather the nucleus of what would become today’s communist movement—was attacked from the right. And this tactic of painting us as Satanic Democrats worked quite well for a while, yet it wasn’t sustainable.

Since then, American communism has gained a true sense of self for the first time in generations. It’s done so by breaking from the leftist convention that tails behind the Democrats, and aligning itself with the same exploratory, unruly American spirit which was behind the earliest counter-hegemonic trends after Covid. These trends were the amorphous, angry conspiracy politics that arose in reaction to all the lies our government relied on to carry out its pandemic power grabs. 

This raw distrust among the masses was demonized by the liberals, including ones who today are trying to pivot towards these same populist elements; at the time, AOC was attacking everyone in these conspiracy circles as a KKK white supremacist, contrasting with her more recent statement that “woke 1.0” was “crazy.” This tactical shift is about trying to capture the same popular energy that our movement is now capturing, and that in time will make communism mainstream again. Whereas our foes on the liberal side were once weaponizing the Manichean logic in a “progressive” way, and vilifying everyone who rejects the left critical theories, they’ve since then rushed to disavow this politics. The only way to have mass appeal now is by making it look like you’ve transcended the culture wars; otherwise the masses will immediately recognize you as just another grifter.

By the end of 2024, when Americans had come to be newly unified around outrage towards their government, it was clear that none of the ruling class-backed ideologies can sway the people like they used to. It was a short turnaround from 2020, and it could happen so speedily because America’s crises had already reached a point of obvious urgency; when Americans saw that neither party was willing to fix the economic slump, and their government instead kept entering into new wars, the old cultural fights suddenly no longer seemed to matter. 

For communists, a critical lesson comes from noticing that we didn’t bring about these great advances in consciousness; we’re not the ones who got Americans to become ready for revolution. This happened because our civilization’s evolutionary processes revealed themselves in a new way, and the conditions prompted the masses to apply dialectical thinking. Because of this process, our task is no longer to educate the masses, like it was a decade ago; at this stage our main task is building the organizational power the masses will need to win, and leading them to victory.

The Zionist right-wing Laura Loomer types hope to regain discourse control by discrediting the very idea of fighting for something. Their best hope of convincing the American people not to do revolution is by spreading nihilism about our bleak situation, and encouraging apathy in the face of the class enemy’s attacks. This “military nihilism” ideology, where you passively accept rule by the U.S. war machine, is thankfully limited to the right-wing intellectual types; it’s not a kind of propaganda that affects the working families and poor people who our work puts us into contact with. The military nihilist psyop still poses a threat, though, in that it’s part of a much bigger problem: too many within the post-Covid generation are falling into the hikikomori lifestyle. Too many are looking at how bad the world has become, and making the seemingly rational calculus that it’s best to retreat into inertness.

This apathy is what the Epsteinite regime depends on, and there are millions of isolated teens or twenty-somethings who’ve already embraced it. The purpose of the Laura Loomer bots is to stop these individuals from escaping inertia, with the strategy being to create a synthetic online discourse that no one can see past. If you’re only looking at the surface, automated regime propaganda is all you’ll see. Until we break out of our marginal status, we won’t be able to show the bulk of the masses that there’s an alternative. 

Our focus needs to be on overcoming this limitation, which we can only do by redoubling our community service and labor organizing work. These are the main activities we must ramp up; building up our movement’s online brand is critical, but the only way to prove ourselves is by going into the masses to an extent we haven’t so far. The more we build up these alternative community power structures, the more we fill the gaps in material support and working-class leadership, the more ineffectual the regime’s demoralization psyops will become.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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