The intelligentsia, the rural masses, and the usury class that’s bringing them together

The further the ruling financiers advance their schemes, the more the proletariat’s potential class allies are brought together. We’re seeing this with the proletarianization of the intelligentsia, which parallels the dispossession that America’s rural masses experienced after 2008. 

When the usurer class destroyed the foundations for the American economy, this pushed the rural Republicans who’d voted for Bush towards pursuing radical new forms of politics, embodied within the revolutionary aesthetic of MAGA. This was only an aesthetic, since Trump would end up completely betraying MAGA’s ideals; but the desire for a new American revolution has only strengthened among the MAGA base itself. The primary sources of dismissal towards MAGA’s revolutionary potential have come from the “progressive” or “socialist” intelligentsia; yet now, with the U.S. empire’s effort to dismantle this same intellectual professional class, the ranks of the intelligentsia are undergoing an upheaval which mirrors the consciousness shift of the rural landowners who voted Trump.

Both of these classes are petty-bourgeois; partly because of this, their initial reactions towards being dispossessed have been colored with many confused ideas. Yet as the MAGA movement has gotten older, its members have been progressively turning against ruling-class narratives like the pro-Israel psyop, and the disgruntled intelligentsia will undergo a similar process. We’re already seeing hints of this in how the anti-data center movement, which petty-bourgeois professionals have a personal interest in supporting, is something that’s largely focused on defending the farmers. Which has led these metropolitan progressives to start giving up their previous attitudes of hostility towards the rural masses.

You could interpret this development through a totally cynical lens, and conclude that these left-wing individuals will only betray the rural masses. But this would actually be undialectical; because the class character of the intelligentsia is not the same as that of the opportunistic bourgeois politicians who tailor their rhetoric to win rural votes. Increasingly, the intelligentsia are being cut off from the career opportunities that used to be available to them, which puts them in a decidedly fluid position when it comes to what role they might play in America’s workers revolution.

Mao talked about how many communists have a tendency to underrate the importance of the intelligentsia, who are not a monolith:

Our Party and our army have made considerable efforts to recruit intellectuals during the last three years, and many revolutionary intellectuals have been absorbed into the Party, the army, the organs of government, the cultural movement and the mass movement, thus broadening the united front; this is a major achievement. But many of the army cadres are not yet alive to the importance of the intellectuals, they still regard them with some apprehension and are even inclined to discriminate against them or shut them out. Many of our training institutes are still hesitant about enrolling young students in large numbers. Many of our local Party branches are still reluctant to let intellectuals join. 

All this is due to failure to understand the importance of the intellectuals for the revolutionary cause, the difference between intellectuals in colonial and semi-colonial countries and those in capitalist countries and the difference between intellectuals who serve the landlords and the bourgeoisie and those who serve the working class and the peasantry, as well as the seriousness of the situation in which the bourgeois political parties are desperately contending with us for the intellectuals and in which the Japanese imperialists are also trying in every possible way to buy over Chinese intellectuals or corrupt their minds; in particular, it is due to the failure to understand the favourable factor that our Party and our army have already developed a hard core of well-tested cadres and are thus capable of leading the intellectuals.

Does this analysis not apply within the United States when here we’re dealing with intellectuals in a capitalist country rather than a colonial country? What we are finding out from the developments of these last few years is that when it comes to the intellectuals, the question isn’t so simple. Right now, we’re seeing the breakdown of the old reality that kept this professional strata a mere appendage of the U.S. ruling class. Now that graduates can no longer inherit the generations-old system of patronage which is imperialist academia, they no longer have a clear grounding, like the formerly secure Republicans no longer had a clear grounding after 2008. The collapse just took longer to reach the intelligentsia, who thought they had a handle on how to respond towards the 21st century’s crises until these crises began actually impacting their lives.

The direction of these events is for the intelligentsia to unify with the disenfranchised rural petty-bourgeoisie, like we’re seeing in the anti-data center movement. This newfound overlap between the two classes does represent progress; but to turn it into victory over the usurers, we will need to lead the shared anti-systemic backlash of these classes away from idealist misconceptions. Because history has shown us many times that alienation on its own doesn’t bring a movement to victory. Petty-bourgeois tendencies especially are vulnerable to idealism, whether this takes the form of following a ruling-class opportunist leader, seeking to rehabilitate capitalism, or (particularly in our present situation) treating professional elites as the only source of revolutionary potential.

Though the intelligentsia are realizing the necessity of defending the farmers and the rural workers, right now there’s a strong political current that believes revolution can only come from the intellectual elites. This is the position of the DSA, both ideologically and practically; its mode of politics is designed to exclusively win office within the big cities, meaning its followers are going to have a disconnect from the rural until they resolve this contradiction in their own thinking. The college-educated activists who want to defend the rural from big tech have not yet gained the dialectical know-how required for actually going into the rural masses. 

This problem will become more apparent as time goes on, and the DSA continues failing to act as a vehicle for working-class struggle. The thing that can offer such a vehicle is communism, which DSA aesthetically imitates but can only show itself to be inferior towards. The movement that embodies the ideals which these activist professionals strive towards will be one that’s built from the bottom-up within our class hierarchy, and has accounted for the rural masses before it’s accounted for the disillusioned metropolitan liberals. Both are important, as Mao helped clarify, but like in China the workers party’s foundation is within the broader mass elements. 

We will be able to find elements of the professional strata who come to realize this; our movement already has PhD holders who take this position, and are actively helping promote it to others in the intellectual category. Through ideological struggle within the intelligentsia, and popular organizing among the broader masses, we’ll overcome the remaining obstacles to revolutionary victory.

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The breakdown of American life, mass alienation, & Marxism’s role in restoring national coherency

To progress American Marxism into the next stage, we must assess the mood of the people today, which is one of profound uncertainty. When you look at how the masses are speaking these days—and I’m not just talking about surveys, but about the countless candid rant videos that working Americans have been making—you see just how advanced their alienation has gotten. They have the sense that nothing makes sense any more; that they have no opportunities to work towards a real future, that they’re being priced out of everything, that technological control is destroying their freedoms, and that everyone around them has suddenly become anti-social. 

Within this picture, we can see the makings of a revolutionary scenario where the masses have to collectively fight back against the worst trends within themselves. Where a popular revolt does come about, but to succeed it must combat the hyper-individualist impulses that our conditions are proliferating. Which is where a revolutionary leadership must find its role.

In Haiti, a country that’s vastly further along in its process of societal collapse, the revolutionary leadership that’s emerged is one which has had to unify groups of gangs. Which might not be the nature of our task in the United States, but as time goes on we can see more parallels emerging. Like Haiti, our society has been undergoing a growth in lumpenization, where the workers are de-classed and forced to live off of alternative means. In Haiti, the only path towards throwing off international financial control runs through building within these lumpenized sectors. The practical reality is that the armed groups which have been gaining ground are the only forces able to challenge the neo-colonial police and the foreign occupiers.

As the situation in the USA continues to spiral, any organized effort at defeating our own banking regime will need to structurally adapt in equivalent ways. We’ll have to build a revolutionary organization for an environment where the people are ready for revolution, but the culture is still deeply individualistic. 

Part of this means rethinking democratic centralism as we know it, which was created for pre-industrial societies that were highly collectivist; in a society where people feel like they can easily go on a renegade path, effectively organizing the masses will require structures that can build around any wreckers within our own orgs. Another part of this adaptation, one that has to do with responding towards the specific shifts from the last decade, is embracing the next popular revolutionary upswings as they actually exist. Not in the idealized form that we may imagine them as, but in the raw and untamed form that any real mass upsurge will take on.

This is different from worship of spontaneity, because when Lenin ridiculed the bourgeois reformists for bowing to spontaneity, he was criticizing them for underrating the conscious element. This rejection of revolutionary theory overlaps with the kind of opportunism that Mao spoke against in The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, where he ridiculed the “Marxists” who scorn any mass development that doesn’t conform to their established routines. Mao described how this “Marxism” ignores the mass revolutionary consciousness that’s right in front of our faces, in favor of a rigid dogma that helps no one:

The masses have a potentially inexhaustible enthusiasm for socialism. Those who can only follow the old routine in a revolutionary period are utterly incapable of seeing this enthusiasm. They are blind and all is dark ahead of them. At times they go so far as to confound right and wrong and turn things upside down. Haven't we come across enough persons of this type? Those who simply follow the old routine invariably underestimate the people's enthusiasm. Let something new appear and they always disapprove and rush to oppose it. Afterwards, they have to admit defeat and do a little self-criticism. But the next time something new appears, they go through the same process all over again. This is their pattern of behavior in regard to anything and everything new. Such people are always passive, always fail to move forward at the critical moment, and always have to be given a shove in the back before they move a step.

To prevent this kind of complacency, we must grasp what the breakdown of American life demands from us. We’ll need to respond towards the collapse by truly embracing our nation’s wild west spirit; which is how the masses themselves have already responded to our conditions, making them greatly surpass most U.S. “Marxists” in their revolutionary intelligence.

In these last couple of years, as our ruling class has greatly accelerated its assault on the American people and the world, we’ve been seeing ever-more raw mass upsurges. The people have formed the Luigi movement, which is premised on the recognition that denying healthcare means murder; and such awareness about the hypocrisy of bourgeois moralism has carried over into their reactions towards every other ruling-class evil. 

When Amazon employees have set fire to their tyrannical workplaces, or Americans have destroyed Flock cameras, the default view among the masses has been that these actions are self-defense. This is the inverse to the kind of views that Americans overwhelmingly had in the mid-20th century, when the aristocracy of labor was strong and the ruling class therefore enjoyed massive popular support. Today the financial monopolists are at war with the American people, and the people understand this to an advanced degree.

If we can avoid underestimating the people’s enthusiasm, we’ll be in position to translate this mass ideological unity into social unity. Americans have become unified in hating the ruling class, yet in their daily lives they’ve become more disconnected from each other than ever. Popular revolutionary forces have been able to overcome such mass atomization, including within circumstances many times worse than ours. Within Haiti’s present revolution, a critical thing the revolutionary leadership has done is give the people new foundations for coming together. In the places the movement controls, a foremost priority for the government has been to give the children education, as this is how to stop them from falling into the hands of the fascist mercenary recruiters. Thereby, the basis for social cohesion has been strengthened in all areas. If we continue to build alternative community support networks, as American communists have increasingly been doing, we’ll give the people the same kind of strength.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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DSA’s politically correct “anti-Zionism,” and the proletarian mass politics that will sweep it away

This is from my upcoming book “When Tears Can’t Save Them: Why the pro-Palestine movement failed to stop a holocaust, & how it can still win.”

Since Zohran became prominent, the Democratic Party has continued to go in a direction of posturing as pro-Palestine. In June 2026, over 100 House Democrats voted to block aid to the Zionist occupier (which actually fit with Netanyahu’s plans to transition “Israel” away from relying on the USA). We’ve seen the rise of more “progressive” Muslim Democrats, like the Michigan Senate Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed. And Zohran himself has been able to keep up a sense that his political trend represents progress for the pro-Palestine cause, though the things he’s done have overall been more performative than material. 

Upon coming into office, he reversed New York’s ban on boycotting “Israel”; yet this has come along with him keeping the Zionist Jessica Tisch as NYPD commissioner. In July 2026, Zohran also did something that served as an important test of perception for whether somebody views him as an asset to the cause: he came out with a video calling for the federal government to arrest Netanyahu. He didn’t have any legal authority to detain a foreign leader, which was what made it seem tactically valid for him to merely make a statement; when one looks at the larger role that Zohran has played, though, it becomes clear that this was part of an effort to take the substance out of pro-Palestine politics, and make it into something fundamentally performative. This performativeness comes from a particular ideological tendency within the compatible left: the “anti-Zionism” which de-centers Palestinians in favor of Jews.

At the same time that Zohran has been consistently working to de-radicalize the pro-Palestine movement, conceding on critical points like whether Hamas should be condemned and whether the resistance should lay down its arms, he’s gained support from many of the more left-wing Jewish institutions. He’s also gotten the support of NYC’s Jewish petty-bourgeois progressive constituency, who joined in on helping elect him along with most of the city’s other left-leaning professionals. I connect these things not because it’s inherently bad to be backed by Jewish orgs or individuals, but because anti-Zionists need to confront the true extent to which Jewish orgs are in thrall to Zionism. 

If we minimize this problem, and uncritically uphold any Jewish group that describes itself as “pro-peace” or “anti-Zionist,” then we’ll be engaging in an especially damaging kind of idpol. This is an idpol that will always end up equating the oppressors with the oppressed in Palestine, and aiding normalization under the guise of a false “peace.” 

These things are what come from building a “pro-Palestine” movement on the basis of protecting Jewish feelings, which is the true goal of rhetoric that places central emphasis on the presence of Jewish individuals within pro-Palestine circles. Such rhetoric is flawed from the foundation, because its core driver is not to advance solidarity with Palestine but to defend the reputation of Judaism. Which inevitably will give the bulk of the masses a sense that the “pro-Palestine” movement leaders lack sincerity about fighting the hegemonic order. This rhetoric’s priority is in fact to defend the old mode of discourse, which treated identity as a license to shield oneself from scrutiny.

If we fail to break from this politics, we’ll end up isolating the next iteration of the pro-Palestine movement from the masses, who’ve been coming to reject politically correct language policing even more than they already did. The masses were always repulsed by cancel culture; now that they’ve made the connection between cancel culture and Zionism, any “anti-Zionism” that ostracizes those who use colloquial or blunt language for describing the problem of Jewish supremacy will only divide the struggle. And this is in addition to the damage that such behaviors cause towards solidarity with Palestine itself, which in this framework is treated as something for different Jews to fight for moral authority over. 

Such is the implicit message of slogans like “not in our name” or “the occupation is not my Judaism,” which don’t serve to change the minds of the masses; the average person’s support for Palestine isn’t contingent on whether they see evidence that some Jews share this position, because this simply isn’t viewed as a relevant question for the bulk of the population. The only spaces where it’s treated as relevant are the institutional safe spaces within liberal identity politics, which at this point have become synonymous with institutional Zionism.

An example of how “good” Jewish groups can advance these ethno-supremacist gatekeeping agendas is Jewish Voice for Peace. At the time that JVP joined in on the efforts to organize for the Mamdani campaign, it had managed to overcome many of the Jewish supremacist tendencies which defined its leadership in the past. There was a time when JVP embodied the same gatekeeping cancel culture politics that Zohran’s liberal Zionist ankle-biters have used to pressure him; for instance, in 2014 a JVP leader with ties to the IDF smeared the author Alison Weir as an anti-Jewish bigot. The more anti-Zionist direction that JVP has headed in since October 7 is the product of influence by its grassroots base, who needed to struggle against the hegemonic institutions that controlled the org. Shortly prior to October 7, JVP had been receiving funds from the Rockefeller Brother Foundation, which evidently viewed the org as a vehicle for pushing liberal Zionist “peace” politics. 

Since the initial post-October 7 upswing in pro-Palestine energy, JVP’s trajectory has been towards trying to appease the Democratic Party and its front groups—potentially as a way to offset the damages from the dismantling of nonprofit funding sources. In February 2026–eight months before a midterm election—JVP’s leadership announced that it was restructuring JVP, along with its lobbying group JVP Action. The purpose of the shakeup was to make the latter group now function under the one “JVP” label; which amounted to a consolidation of the group’s efforts at electorally assisting Democrats. What it did was divert the millions in funds held by the main JVP group towards its electoral wing, showing the priority is not to get these funds to Palestinians but to make sure JVP strengthens its relationship with the Democrats.

We know the org has been going in a more pro-Democrat direction because the restructuring announcement didn’t include the word “genocide,” and this kind of omission is always significant when it comes from an org that’s supposedly anti-Zionist. At the most, the statement said at the end that it wanted to keep “building a Judaism beyond Zionism.” Which, in the context of this opportunistic maneuver, means that even one of the most left-wing Jewish orgs is contributing towards the trend of Jewish ethno-narcissism within today’s pro-Palestine movement.

This saviorist type of “anti-Zionism” has been able to become the most visible kind of “pro-Palestine” politics because the larger movement was pushed into retreat, letting the cause become defined by the actors with establishment backing. And that these actors include organizations which claim to not be Zionist shows us how critical it is to account for the content of something, instead of just its form. The form of JVP and DSA’s politics can appear to be radical, but it’s not enough for the Palestinian people, who continue to experience ever-more intense genocidal violence. This contradiction is growing increasingly visible to the people with an anti-Zionist consciousness; the absence of real change from reformist “pro-Palestine” rhetoric is going to produce a new version of the anti-Zionist movement, one that’s based within the rejection of PC posturing. 

The masses already understand the connection between liberal idpol moralism, and the systems of control that keep the Zionist war machine in power. The better we learn this connection ourselves, the better positioned we’ll be to build an anti-Zionist movement that’s actually anti-systemic.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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The black pill, our social collapse, and the battle to rescue civilization from the technocrats

What the black pill really means is the realization that only a chosen few will be allowed to have “normal” lives in the superstructure that we’re now living under. The gender war discourse’s definition of the “black pill,” which focuses on male looks determinism in the “dating market,” is a distraction from this context of rising inequality and civilizational decline. It’s part of a smokescreen that was created by big tech, which engineered the social collapse we’ve experienced and is now boosting reactive trends like “looksmaxxing.”

To escape the anti-human dystopia that the tech overlords have placed us into, we will need to synthesize black pill politics with revolutionary politics, turning all of today’s alienation towards mass revolt against these forces. To see where this fight’s battle lines are drawn, and who our allies are within the struggle against techno-tyranny, we must look at which parts of the masses have been most left behind by the social disruptions we’ve seen in this last generation. 

In the broadest sense, the collapse is impacting everybody who’s suddenly found themselves under-socialized, with those who’ve come of age after Covid being the most damaged. The commentator Rafael recently said about this part of the decline that

We’re becoming panda bears in a zoo. Not extinct—just uninterested. Not incapable—just unwilling. Pandas don’t reproduce because their environment numbs them into passivity. Humans are drifting into the same place: overstimulated, under‑touched, and increasingly disconnected from the basic social rhythms that used to be automatic. What’s collapsing isn’t fertility rates or marriage statistics (though those are falling fast too). What’s collapsing is the cultural infrastructure that made dating, sex, and partnership feel normal, desirable, and possible…We’re just these fungible little economic units living in increasingly inhuman, toxic environments. You are supposed to drop whatever you are doing and move halfway across the country just to find a job or decent place to live. Can’t really build much of a society that way. Then there’s the fact it’s never been easier to just opt out of all social interaction entirely. This simply was not possible 50 years ago. Now it’s actually much harder to arrange for socialization, any socialization at all. It’s bleak. I don’t think the future looks good at all.

The fact that this disappearance of basic relationships is now being felt not just by the working masses, but also by a growing number of petty-bourgeois professionals, shows the alienation behind the black pill will ultimately reach into some of the most prosperous strata. Those within this intellectual and artistic class are responding to the alienation in different ways than the lumpenized shut-ins have been, with one of their more constructive outlets being to formulate analyses about the collapse. 

When they talk about this issue, they often are able to provide a more class-conscious perspective on it than apolitical nihilists or right-wing gender warriors, since they recognize capitalism as the root cause of our social decline. And there are many in the professional class with genuine passion as activists; but the movement that defeats our technocrat regime will have to foundationally be a proletarian movement, and come from an anti-capitalism that’s based within the working-class experience.

For the professionals who make these left-wing critiques of today’s social order, this decline in interpersonal relations is the main contradiction which impacts their own lives. For tens of millions of people from working-class households, the daily reality is not just social isolation but an increasingly precarious existence; which those in the professional class may also come to if their career paths continue to disappear, but it’s the children of working-class parents who are already in a truly bleak situation. They represent the part of America’s unemployment and inflation crises that the bourgeois media doesn’t talk about, because our ruling class decided that they’re expendable decades ago. 

For most Americans, the collapse happened in 2008; the media commentary sphere is only talking this much about a jobs crisis, or about a cost of living crisis, because these things are now impacting the labor aristocrats who can afford to live in modern big cities. So is also the case for the crisis of community and relationships, which is impacting working-class young people in a way that really does leave somebody isolated. A key part of this comes from how these individuals from low-income families don’t have the resources to play the career game Rafael describes, where people need to move across the country to get ahead. For those who were born in job-scarce rural America, or who simply are experiencing mental health problems that block their motivation, being left-behind and lonely is the outcome of this. The fact that all of these issues are disproportionately impacting men is what explains the black pill, and until the problem’s class origins are reckoned with, gender war politics will continue to dominate.

There is a rogue activist element within the petty-bourgeois liberal realm that’s genuinely looking for how to address society’s contradictions; but these renegades are increasingly being cast out of our institutions, and will only become connected to the class struggle when they’re brought into a working-class organization. The societal “critiques” from hegemonic media are based within what a tiny strata of urbanites can see happening around them.

These problems with the discourse about today’s capitalist crises should be addressed, and it’s important to call out the petty-bourgeois professionals who LARP as “workers.” Despite this, the position I’m taking is actually sympathetic towards the alienated aspiring professionals, because they are important potential allies of the workers movement. A revolution always needs the elements of society that were not always living on the margins, but have enjoyed benefits and then had these benefits taken away from them. 

The American communist movement will be able to win over the petty bourgeoisie parallel to how Mao won over this class in China, where the petty-bourgeois masses were being impacted by hyperinflation and economic chaos along with the working masses. In both cases, the key ingredient is an authentic proletarian politics, one that’s proletarian precisely because of its ability to unify all class allies of the workers.

The anti-data center movement is creating the conditions for this unity, because it’s gotten the urban left-wingers who hate big tech’s AI scramble to defend farmers and rural America. There are leftists who look down upon farmers and the rural masses, but their position is being pushed to the margins by this growing popular revolt, and this trend is going to continue as our ruling class expands its techno-assault on our communities. Therefore when it comes to the petty-bourgeois professional activists, the next main problem won’t be about hostility towards the rural masses, but about an incomplete understanding of the problem. 

These types of anti-data center activists were radicalized not on the basis of a proletarian experience, but on the basis of their careers being threatened by AI. This doesn’t mean they can’t contribute to the class struggle, it means their tendency within the struggle must be brought into a synthesis with the working-class tendency. All who seek the defeat of our techno-financial regime will be unified; but to bring about this unity in a timely manner, and not delay our victory for another generation, we’ll need to figure out how all of these different elements can be brought into a cohesive force. Past communists have successfully overcome the issue of how different social classes respond to contradictions in different ways, and we can do this too.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures from our era of accelerating inflation, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.

War on China is the Zionist right’s next maneuver, & only a conservative-left wing dissident front can stop it

The success of the noxious Millennial Reich politics that’s now being pushed by the Zionists depends on politically conscious Americans staying divided and inert. For the imperialist regime to recalibrate after Iran’s victory, and pivot towards a new offensive on China, it will need to redirect popular discontent so that nothing comes from all the present outrage. The masses as a rule are against bankers’ wars; the elements pushing the assault on China are the amoral tech nerds, the Israeli transplants who need a distraction from the Gaza genocide, and the petty-bourgeois boomers who never gave up the War on Terror ideology. Therefore the only way to implement the plans for ramping up Washington’s global offensive is through rolling over what the bulk of the people want. Dissent must be crushed, and the conscious masses must not be allowed to gain collective organization.

With Gen Z in particular, the narrative managers have developed a strategy that’s designed to leave people adrift; as those Gen Z and younger have the least material support, and will be left the most lost if they’re cut off from a popular revolutionary movement. These tactics rhetorically differ based on whether they’re directed at the Gen Z left or right, but the effect they have is to leave the targets isolated, and unable to see a path towards asserting their collective interests. 

The demoralized left-wing students are being told that if they enter into the political struggle, they’ll be tracked and shut out of the professional careers they want; which is true, but they don’t yet see the other part of the story, which is that these careers are disappearing regardless and the only logical route is to commit towards defeating the regime. 

The blackpilled shut-ins are being told by Zionist plants like Fuentes that if they copy the Israeli model, and cheer on the war machine in assaulting the Global South or persecuting dissent, then they’ll come to experience the same kinds of benefits as the Jewish colonizers. Fuentes asserts that his followers can attain professional success, and the Tel Aviv agent Clavicular implies his followers can also become successful through “looksmaxxing.” But the rule is that these men will continue to be rendered “excess males,” and won’t even get a reward for serving their banking overlords.

The black pill is less than useless without the will to fight back against those who’ve put us into our bleak reality, and who are spreading their genocidal war into ever-more parts of the globe. This is the message that must be internalized by Gen Z conservatives, as well as by the left-wing students. In time these students will also become blackpilled, as is already happening to the graduates who’ve found that they can’t even get employment. But disillusionment alone isn’t enough; it needs to come with the direction on how to advance sentient history, and overthrow the usurer class that’s waging war against humanity. In this phase, the most substantial way we can mount such a counter-blow is by bringing together all of those who share the desire to defeat the usurers, creating a coalition that transcends ideology itself.

It is this revolutionary project that provides an actual positive alternative towards the hegemonic worldview, that fills the void which the black pill leaves. The black pill in its essence is non-ideological, as all it really means is alienation; and if those who’ve been alienated respond towards their reality in the right way, then what comes from their efforts won’t be ideological either. It will be a revolutionary project that comes from real scientific understanding of what must be done.

This separation from any ideological prison is the true nature of Iran’s Islamic revolution, and of the world’s other successful efforts at breaking free from international banking rule. When our government says that the Islamic Republic is a death cult, or that China is driven by an insidious anti-“freedom” ideology, these are pure projections by the twisted agents of usury. The countries and militant movements our government seeks to destroy couldn’t have succeeded if they hadn’t rejected small-minded dogmas, and embraced an uncompromising effort to investigate reality. This is the intelligence we must replicate in order to win our own battle.

“Discover the truth through practice, and again through practice verify and develop the truth,” concluded Mao. “Start from perceptual knowledge and actively develop it into rational knowledge; then start from rational knowledge and actively guide revolutionary practice to change both the subjective and the objective world. Practice, knowledge, again practice, and again knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, and with each cycle the content of practice and knowledge rises to a higher level. Such is the whole of the dialectical-materialist theory of knowledge, and such is the dialectical-materialist theory of the unity of knowing and doing.” Through experiencing hyperinflation, unemployment, the collapse of basic human relationships, and betrayals by both ruling parties, the post-Covid generation has gained the perceptual knowledge. Next is to turn it into rational knowledge; which becomes much easier when we can identify who our enemies and allies are within the struggle we’ve been thrust into.

Any actor who tells us to even partially embrace the schemes of our usurer regime is not an ally, and many within the blackpilled element have realized this about Fuentes. Fuentes is just one among many controlled opposition figures, and he can be replaced; but the trend is that these disillusioned individuals are migrating towards a politics that genuinely threatens the establishment. They’re embracing conservative leaders who support an anti-Zionist coalition, and who’ve become increasingly willing to have dialogue with communists.

When Jake Shields or Sneako have built these bridges with Marxists, it’s represented a positive shift among the anti-Zionist masses, one that will lead to material victories if we keep building on these gains. A critical next step is to form popular coalitions within our local areas against the wars, and against the pedocracy; then we’ll be able to bring in people across the ideological spectrum who’ve been gaining anti-imperialist consciousness.

It is our side in this conflict that represents the most fastly growing popular force, not the side of the Zionists and the Millennial Reich neocons. Right now our enemies are successfully spreading nihilism among the blackpilled parts of the masses, but this trend isn’t advancing as fast as the anti-systemic radicalization which has gripped our society. The only thing missing on our side is sufficient popular organization, which we are working to fix. The noise from Zionist or anti-China agitators can’t stop us from succeeding in this goal; and if we build our infrastructure properly, neither will the repressive state. The regime and its lackeys are on the advance at the moment, but soon this will change, and “black pill” politics will become part of a synthesis with revolutionary mass politics.

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By casting woke Gen Z out of our institutions, the ruling class created the empire’s next big enemy

To gauge the state of consciousness among the activist base, we must look at how the institutional left’s leaders are choosing to speak towards this base. We recently got an exceptional example of this when Joe Sims, chairman of the Communist Party USA, came out to admit that the party has been an appendage to the Democrats. 

For anyone who’s seen the efforts by Sims and other CPUSA leaders to promote voting blue, or their blatant subversion of the CPUSA’s constitution to shut out members who oppose this policy, this confession would seem completely shocking. Yet it makes perfect sense when you consider how Gen Z, the ones CPUSA will need to recruit in order to survive, have collectively been rejected by the Democrats to the effect that Gen Z will never get behind the “vote blue” position.

It is this permanence of Gen Z’s alienation from establishment politics, this certainty that a critical amount of them won’t be herded back the next time around, which has been decisive in pushing Sims towards the posture he now takes. What happened after 2024 was not like the Democratic Party’s crisis after 2016, where the DNC could count on culture war divisions to let them seemingly return things towards the Obama-era “normal.” Now the only hope for the party to maintain popular support is through replacing the Obama-type leadership with the Mamdani social democrats, who themselves are being increasingly undermined by their own contradictions.

The Obama era is never returning. The Obama paradigm was defined by an alliance between the Democratic Party and the woke activist element, held together by NGOs and by compatible left orgs like CPUSA. As soon as Palestine advanced in its anti-colonial struggle, and the Democrats decided to purge the woke contingent, what was left were millions of college students and graduates who no longer have hope for professional careers. Which means they’re now in the same alienated position as the Americans who would gravitate towards MAGA after the 2008 collapse. No longer do these left-wing students have a chance at accessing the positions that were implicitly promised to them; now the government is recruiting from the evangelical student crowd in schools like Liberty University, the nonprofits that would have hired the woke crowd are being progressively dismantled, and higher education itself keeps being downsized.

For orgs like CPUSA, the danger from this is that the pipeline which has provided them with new blood will disappear, forcing these orgs to either radically switch up their rhetoric (like CPUSA is doing) or silo themselves off to hold on to their members (like PSL is doing). For the U.S. empire, the danger is that the post-Covid generation’s alienation will lead to a new wave of mass revolts; ones that are even more powerful than the uprisings from the Vietnam War era, because now the masses have been proletarianized and are very high in anti-imperialist consciousness.

Mao viewed the consciousness of the people as a decisive factor in whether Vietnam would turn into a third world war: “both the United States and the Soviet Union, and some other countries, are preparing to spread the war. As far as this is concerned, it seems that a war might begin. I am not quite sure about this question…we must take people’s consciousness into our consideration. When the United States stopped bombing North Vietnam, American soldiers in Vietnam were very glad, and they even cheered. This indicates that their morale is not high…The student strike is a new phenomenon in European history. Students in the capitalist countries usually do not strike. But now, all under the heaven is great chaos. Mainly in Europe, in the United States, in Latin America, and in Japan, there are student strikes.” Should equivalent popular struggles emerge today, this will create a new obstacle to Washington’s plans for a Taiwan proxy war, thereby putting the globe’s revolutionary forces in place to go on the offensive.

Now that the masses are behind the revolutionary position in much greater proportions, and even the most “woke” parts of the masses share the same interests as the conservative masses, the critical next step is to provide the people with organization. This mission will require more than continuing with the tasks the American communist movement has already adopted in these last couple of years, which are a great improvement on the previous stagnation but are only the first step. 

In practical terms, we know what to do: construct alternative sources of material support for the masses, take roles of leadership over the labor movement, build coalitions based around popular anti-systemic goals like prosecuting pedophiles or dismantling Flock cameras. The communists who’ve broken from the compatible left orgs have gained great clarity by orienting ourselves around these tasks, and we still see that orgs like the CPUSA are not pursuing them. But when Sims adopted our language, and recognized how an ostensibly Marxist org can be a front for the Democrats, he was able to respond towards a shift that we must also respond to if we want success. 

This is a shift where the class of aspiring professional activists—who orgs like CPUSA are reliant on, and therefore need to watch closely—has irreversibly fallen out with the ruling institutions, leaving this class adrift and ready to embrace new ideological mutations.

Why should communists of our kind treat woke Gen Z as a priority for mass outreach, when the main ones we initially had to fight against were woke Gen Z? Because the institutional foundation that set these activists down their opportunistic path has now been destroyed. The base for Obama-Biden era radical liberalism can no longer exist, not in the form that it did prior to when October 7 caused institutional activist funding to be cut off. 

Mamdani and his politics will not restore the old status of petty-bourgeois professionals, partly because these politics are designed to exclusively win office within the big cities and also because the other ruling-class factions are too powerful. The vanishing of opportunities for these aspiring professionals is not a temporary fluke, it’s a “canon event” in the story of how the U.S. empire re-creates Rome’s decline. 

Many among the cast-out aspiring professional class will react towards their terminal disenfranchisement by embracing radical liberalism. But this doesn’t mean we should view them as enemies for doing so, not without them first being tested on whether they’ll outgrow such politics. When I say radlib politics can’t exist as they used to, I mean that any attempts by the remaining institutional woke agents to reassert their control will be inevitably run up against opposition from within the ranks of their own organizing spheres, which are increasingly made up of people who’ve been set on a new path. 

Petty-bourgeois morality policing cannot win out when the activist base is growing ever-more proletarianized, and will respond towards their political experiences by gaining ever-greater dialectical awareness. For an example of this: even though the logic of conventional leftism prioritizes protecting Jewish feelings, and guarding against non-PC language when describing what Zionism does, the realities of ongoing institutional Jewish support for Palestine’s holocaust are forcing a rupture within the left. 

For activists who don’t have hope of entering the professional sphere, and don’t need to worry if their language offends anybody, there is zero incentive to fool themselves into accepting the moralistic hypocrisy of these crypto-Zionist left gatekeepers. Anybody who wants to keep enforcing the PC framework within the anti-Zionist movement will fail to get the applause they’re looking for among the activist base; they’ll open themselves up to great scrutiny from those with an anti-colonial consciousness, and they won’t be able to simply dismiss this scrutiny as right-wing “Nazbolism” or any other wokeist caricature.

What happens when the woke starts negating the woke, and the moralistic kingdom that the HR professionals have built collapses under its growing contradictions? You get the conditions for a new era in the class struggle, where the future revolutionary vanguard is able to gain allies among the same woke crowd which would have scorned it during past times. The developments of these last few years have taken away the ability to gatekeep the class struggle. The struggle can no longer be gatekept, because the structure which made up the compatible left has been demolished. What’s arising in its absence is a new revolutionary infrastructure, capable of bringing in more participants than ever.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.