Our ruling class is boosting the JQ to try to offset the massive pro-communist turn which America’s younger generation is headed towards. The objective factors for such a transition are there; the ones who came of age during the era of pandemic mismanagement are the most inclined to embrace Marxism, because they’re the ones with the least reason to trust in the system. As a rule, the liberal order is not something that today’s young people believe in. So the system’s best hope is to divert the masses of the post-Covid age towards the JQ, which superficially appears to be anti-systemic when in fact it’s another psyop from finance capital.
The history of how the JQ has been used proves this to be irrefutable. We know that the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” were a hoax which Russia’s ruling class used to try to prevent revolution; we know that Hitlerism was created by Wall Street and London as a weapon for crushing the workers. And it’s important to expose this history, but for us to successfully defeat the JQ, what we truly must do is show how utterly shallow of an analysis it is. We must demonstrate to the alienated Gen Z masses that the JQ offers completely crude, useless explanations for why our generation is experiencing the things we’ve been thrust into. Which we can show by contrasting the JQ’s infantile racialist narrative with the pure, untethered scientific commitment that Marxism represents.
The JQ tells a simple story: our conditions keep getting worse because a particular racial group (or rather a religious group that JQers view as something purely racial) has used finance to destroy society. But if finance is the means through which this destruction has been engineered, as the JQers recognize, then how would removing Jews from power get rid of finance? Finance’s dominance does not come from the presence of Jews, it comes from the underlying superstructure. Finance is the very essence of our economic system, and there is no way to remove it from power without victory for the workers.
This is the way that Marx responded towards the JQ: by pointing out how the corruption we see within our economic order is inherent to capital, and therefore whatever role that the Jewish bourgeoisie have within capital is a product of this underlying structure. When Marx made this counter-argument to the JQ, though, he didn’t do so in the way that today’s petty-bourgeois “red libs” do when they respond towards racialist arguments. Because red libs view Marxism in relation to the existing ideological frameworks, with Marxism to them meaning the same thing as leftism, they think that the JQ can be defeated simply by denouncing it. This is the cancel culture mentality that the right is now employing in order to crush anybody who Zionists call an “antisemite.”
Marxists who are serious about investigating today’s conditions see that the JQ resonates with large parts of the masses, and we are interested in figuring out why this has happened. It’s when we gain this deeper understanding of what attracts the people towards the JQ that we can create an alternative path of radicalization, one where we provide the masses with the tools for figuring out what’s truly behind the crises they’re facing. We know that the impulse to embrace the JQ comes from a desire to find the “why” of the bleak circumstances the people are confronted with. And if the people want the “why,” then Marxists are prepared to give it to them in a way that racial ideology is fundamentally incapable of doing.
JQ white nationalism, “Bronze Age” traditionalism, and all the other “dissident” rightist ideologies that are getting promoted right now were created specifically for the purpose of substituting Marxism-Leninism. Fascism, “trad” politics, and other such movements can only ever offer a pale imitation of the clarity and direction which come when one commits themselves to the class struggle. All of their posturing about triumph through willpower, or about leading a return to a more dignified age, is an extremely poor copy of the leadership that Marxism provides. And when our generation absorbs exactly what Marxism means, fascism or “traditionalism” will look too primitive and rudimentary to even begin considering. The level of collective intelligence will have advanced far too much.
The path that Marxism offers is one of limitlessly, unremittingly investigating the conditions as they are, which gives us the insights to achieve endless growth and progress. And because the mission of the Marxist is unlimited, its true scope is in fact larger than the class struggle. The class struggle is only the battle that we need to be centering at this stage in history, as right now finance capital is the most relevant contradiction. In terms of the real time scale that Marxists are operating on, finance is nothing more than an early obstacle which humanity overcomes prior to its next series of ascensions. The strength and power that we’ll unlock by defeating finance are going to be endless. This is the perspective that we must have while executing the mission of the present stage, which is to end financial rule through the organization of the proletariat and its class allies.
This is a mission that we can only carry out if we master the science of struggling within a dynamic of contradictions. It wouldn’t be right to phrase this as “fighting to defeat contradictions,” because contradiction is inherent to all existence; there will always be contradictions, as all of life is defined by struggles between conflicting forces. The question we’re tasked with figuring out is how those of us within the working-class side of the current conflict can overcome finance, and thereby allow for humanity to advance towards conflicts with higher contradictions. As Mao points out in On Contradiction, to fully understand the primary contradiction of the financial age, we must study the exposition that Marx provides on the origins behind it:
As Lenin pointed out, Marx in his Capital gave a model analysis of this movement of opposites which runs through the process of development of things from beginning to end. This is the method that must be employed in studying the development of all things. Lenin, too, employed this method correctly and adhered to it in all his writings. In his Capital, Marx first analyses the simplest, most ordinary and fundamental, most common and everyday relation of bourgeois (commodity) society, a relation encountered billions of times, viz. the exchange of commodities. In this very simple phenomenon (in this "cell" of bourgeois society) analysis reveals all the contradictions (or the germs of all the contradictions) of modern society. The subsequent exposition shows us the development (both growth and movement) of these contradictions and of this society in the [summation] of its individual parts, from its beginning to its end.
We must at no point be satisfied with only the Marxist “intellectuals” having done this reading, and in time we will make such an educational experience into something universal. Somebody doesn’t need to have already read Capital to be successfully brought towards our position, though, and reject the JQ in favor of our materialism. The JQ is idealist and metaphysical; it comes from the logic that the phenomena we find throughout history, such as the existence of a class society, are fixed characteristics which can never be done away with. In the JQ’s case, the characteristic that’s most emphasized as being immutable is race, with history being seen as a struggle between different genetic groupings.
The JQers take the desire to overcome the contradiction of finance, divert it towards a narrative about a genetic battle, and seek to rehabilitate a system that was defeated beyond all true recovery with the Red Army’s triumph in 1945. The JQ is a tool for finance to try to preserve itself, with the tactic being to put forth a weak imitation of revolutionary politics. Once one has internalized the logic of dialectical materialism, and entered into the scientific project of dialectics, the JQ looks not just incorrect but unbearably lacking in sophistication.
When the JQers present their framework as the highest mode of analysis, they’re really trying to overcome the innate inferiority that the JQ has to Marxism; they’re trying to pass themselves off as the true Marxists, as if racialism can fill the role of dialectical science. When our generation finds the true highest mode of analysis, they’ll be enabled to apply social practice in ways that the JQ can’t conceive of. The rise of the new American Marxism is the event that will connect our society with humanity’s future, revealing the path we must go on in order to clear today’s obstacles towards progress.
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