At this point, the biggest threat to the formation of an anti-Zionist coalition is the obstinate woke politics that believes DSA can succeed while staying in its own niche. This is apparent from how Hasan, the representative of anti-Zionism within the DSA left, has responded towards the friendliness of Candace Owens by continuing to dismiss Owens as an antisemite. By doing so, Hasan is defending the old mode of discourse, whose basis is in identity and the enforcement of a hypocritical moralism. But when the Epsteinite regime’s mask of morality has already been taken off, and ever-more people are giving up “morality” as the regime defines it, Hasan’s politics become untenable.
The masses are looking for a kind of morality that confronts the evils before us without polite qualifiers, and this morality will override PC “anti-Zionism.” It will be supplanted either by the anti-Zionist right on its own, or by a broader left-right coalition. For us to give dissident politics a greater strength and unity, we will need to build iterations of anti-Zionism that don’t bow to the identitarian psyops the regime is putting forth.
These manipulations are insidious, because they use the rhetoric of justice to undermine both our popular movements and broader social cohesion; the politics that tell us to shun anti-Zionist conservatives is the same politics which has used gender identity to sow enormous new divisions over this last decade, breaking apart not just organizing spaces but also families and communities. That the central point of this division comes from whether to embrace experimental big pharma substances is not a coincidence; the Democratic Party’s infrastructure of mental and physical healthcare facilitates these medical experiments.
For any of my fellow communists who doubt that these treatments are experimental, look at the differences between the Soviet system’s highly controlled and selective transitioning model, and our healthcare system’s untested hormone distribution model that resembles when bodybuilders endanger their lives with steroids. When you honestly investigate this contrast, the idea that supporting today’s trans care system means “supporting trans rights” is revealed to be inane and manipulative. The political push to uncritically defend this treatment mode has created widespread social chaos, making it so that no one can challenge the dominant gender narrative without provoking outrage. Which is exactly what can undermine and isolate a dissident movement when this movement has become tied in with “trans activism.” I focus on trans activism here because it has not yet reached its half-life; we can expect it to be pushed onto the next version of the pro-Palestine movement, whether from the Democratic politicians or through the Democratic Party’s nonprofits.
Promoting such disunity and harm under the guise of “solidarity” is one of the regime’s anti-human psyops, propagated by the Democrat wing of the pro-Zionist coalition that formed after October 7. As soon as someone in the anti-Zionist activist spaces realizes this connection, they will break from the gender psyop, which is an extension of the Zionist psyops themselves.
The discourse has already opened up enough that anti-Zionists can now speak plainly about these things without becoming ostracized by their communities, because anti-Zionism is no longer simply a leftist thing; it’s merged with the groups of conspiracy investigators and anti-pharma activists who hadn’t previously paid much attention to Zionism. We can now build communities that oppose both the Zionist narratives and the extreme woke narratives. The next step is to build an alternative organizing infrastructure to the radlib sphere, one that filters out the individuals who cling towards the divisive idpol worldview.
Unpacking the gender psyop will be harder than defeating the Jewish identitiarian narratives, as modern leftism is deeply invested in the gender issue; but the glaring hypocrisy of the “antisemitism” posturing is what lets us also draw organizers away from the other kinds of destructive idpol. When we expose the hypocrisy of the gatekeeping over anti-Zionism, the discourse becomes opened up to repudiating the anti-social radlib ideas.
Hasan’s rejecting an anti-Zionist coalition comes from sheer arrogance, wrapped in a hollow justification of staying “principled,” that can only divide the anti-Zionist movement right when it has the potential to gain real victories. The other big threat to this unity is anti-communist stigma within conservative or libertarian circles; which also poses a real problem, but at this point isn’t as large of a threat as this smug wokeism. With the backlash to Trump 2.0’s amoral Epsteinite monstrosity, our culture is swinging in a moralistic direction, and socially progressive Americans are increasingly embracing pro-resistance, anti-imperialist politics. They have the potential to coalesce with anti-Zionist conservatives, but only if we stop them from being funneled into the DSA, or into the ultra-leftist currents that will emerge from DSA’s failure.
To draw these kinds of anti-Zionists away from the insular woke tendency, we must expose the inherent contradiction in its position towards “antisemitism.” Because the Hasan mutation within DSA grew out of academic identity politics, it continues to adhere to the politically correct framework on how to speak; which is strange to see when contrasted with Hasan’s principled refusal to condemn the resistance. Hasan runs up against a wall of contradictions.
The PC conventions are untouchable within Hasan’s politics, making for a framework where armed resistance towards Zionism is okay but you can’t name the problem plainly. Hasan’s issue with conservatives like Candace is purely that they’re too blunt in their language; Candace does not hate all Jews, she just doesn’t play the PC game that Hasan plays. When you comply with the Jewish supremacist narratives, and affirm the slanders that paint conservative anti-Zionists as “antisemites,” the effect is to weaken the entire dissident movement.
A source of hope is that within today’s radical liberal circles, there are a growing number of voices that refuse to entertain these covert types of Jewish supremacy. In recent months, we’ve seen popular leftist polemics (like Amanda Gelender’s “Yes, all Jews”) that speak against the coddling of Jewish feelings within the pro-Palestine sphere. Fewer people are afraid of being called an “antisemite,” because the word has lost its meaning (like “transphobe” or “antivaxxer” largely have). This is what happens to words that are constantly weaponized.
In the eyes of the new anti-Zionist base, all that matters now is whether you’re willing to join Iran in fighting off the Great Satan and its appendages. What will doom Hasan is that no matter how much he claims to want to vanquish the Great Satan, he doesn’t want to stop dividing the struggle through wokeness. Too many are following him right now, but the opposition to his position within the left is rising. The outcome will be a popular front which sweeps away this covert appendage to the regime, with its adherence to the Zionist moral framework.
A new wave of anti-Zionist sentiments is building, both among the woke students and graduates, and among the conspiracy investigators from a libertarian background. To bring these tendencies together, we will mainly need to combat the dogmas of the woke element. This is what will let us reach a kind of morality that comes from truly principled opposition towards the Epsteinite regime, discarding the narratives designed to undermine our cause.
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