The Zionist right’s vendetta against Tucker Carlson, & his party’s role in defeating the Epstein empire

The Zionist right, the part of our ruling class that most wants to destroy Tucker Carlson’s party, is the same one which facilitated Epstein’s operations. We know this both from surface-level behaviors by these Zionists (like when Ted Cruz slipped up and said we need to “stop attacking pedophiles”), and the direct connections, like when the founder of Yale’s Talmudic Shabtai Society gave Epstein a tour of IDF training sites. It’s these kinds of facts that have already radicalized millions of former Trump supporters towards rejecting the duopoly, which is an objectively revolutionary development. The question is what role Tucker and his organization will play in the next phase of the class war. 

According to Mao, national bourgeois figures like Tucker are capable of coming to the revolutionary side, and the events we’ve seen in the last half-decade have indeed brought Tucker’s section of MAGA into conflict with the biggest elements of capital. We’ve entered the stage in which Mao said the proletarian movement needs to work with the national bourgeoisie:

The national bourgeoisie is a class which is politically very weak and vacillating. But the majority of its members may either join the people's democratic revolution or take a neutral stand, because they too are persecuted and fettered by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. They are part of the broad masses of the people but not the main body, nor are they a force that determines the character of the revolution. However, because they are important economically and may either join in the struggle against the United States and Chiang Kai-shek or remain neutral in that struggle, it is possible and necessary for us to unite with them…

Quite a few of them sided with the reaction under Chiang Kai-shek. But one must not on this account think that we should not have tried during that period to win over the national bourgeoisie politically or to protect it economically, or that our ultra-Left policy towards the national bourgeoisie was not adventurist. On the contrary, in that period our policy should still have been to protect the national bourgeoisie and win it over so as to enable us to concentrate our efforts on fighting the chief enemies.

We have a good sense of where anti-Zionist MAGA fits in our present class conflict, compared to where these renegade Chinese capitalists fit into China’s revolution. The bourgeoisie who are leading or joining with the conservative anti-Zionist movement have sided against our primary enemies, those being the global monopoly capitalists and the members of the Epstein network. By doing so, they’ve come into conflict with many of their fellow national bourgeoisie, because there are large parts of domestic U.S. capital that fall within this network; in fact, it’s these domestic capitalists who represent the core of Epstein’s particular pedophilic murder operation.

Those within the “globalist” wing of capital have their own pedophile networks, drawing human trafficking victims from European countries like Belgium and the Netherlands as well as from across the Global South. These were the networks that had already been established for centuries prior to when Epstein became an upstart in the world of child sex trafficking, and took on a role of assisting domestic American capital. Epstein was of course tied in with Israel, but there was a distinction between his circle and the “globalists.” It was the globalist wing of the ruling class, represented by the old guard Democrats and their neocon GOP allies, that believed it would be strategically beneficial to release the January 2026 Epstein dump; as long as this data would mainly incriminate Trump’s circle, and leave out most of the secrets about organized global pedophilia, they knew that it wouldn’t endanger the pedocracy.

We often talk as if there are only two wings in the ruling class, but inside the major wings there are more sub-sections. Within the domestic sector of capital, there’s now a conflict between the national bourgeoisie who want to cut off U.S. aid to Israel, and the Zionist national bourgeoisie who are aligned with Epstein. At this stage, nothing threatens the Epsteinites more than the prospect of an organized opposition towards their agenda from inside the conservative movement itself. And they’ll take whatever measures necessary to try to destroy such an organizing project; we’re seeing the indications of this right now, as the Zionist right ramps up its online astroturf smear campaign against Tucker.

We should enter a united front with Tucker’s party and defend it from Epsteinite attacks, like Mao said communists should have defended China’s national bourgeoisie. We can do this while recognizing that Tucker’s section of the national bourgeoisie still isn’t truly separate from the establishment. It represents the part of the establishment that’s inclined to be skeptical of NATO and Israel, due to the ways that these forces have impeded certain parts of U.S. domestic capital; these parts of capital still want to subdue China, but they believe that Israel and Ukraine take too much away from this effort.

A way we can counter this view is by pointing out that China’s success is in the interests of the American nation, like it’s in our nation’s interests for Palestine or Russia to be left alone; as America can only thrive on the basis of inter-civilizational cooperation. This perspective could win over members of the domestic bourgeoisie, and we should try to bring them towards such a position like we are with the broader American masses. The domestic capitalists who want China to lose have a class-based reason for believing what they do, though, and we won’t fully win over all of them. What we can do is create as big of a united front as possible, maximizing the stresses upon the capitalist structure while building up our own power as workers.

The ultra-left adventurists throughout history have rejected such united fronts because when they see the potential pitfalls in allying with capital’s lower levels, their impulse is to run in the opposite direction. This level of fear is not necessary, as long as we know to go into the working masses and gain independent working-class strength alongside the united front. When we decide to align ourselves with the working masses first and foremost, rather than staying isolated like the ultra-lefts inevitably do, we’re in position to take advantage of the opportunities within inter-capitalist conflicts.

————————————————————————

If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.

The socdem-far right alliance, and its origins in the collapse of the “normie” lifestyle

With the decline of petty-bourgeois professional careers, “progressives” increasingly find themselves in the same position as the “excess male” shut-ins who they’ve mocked. They’re being de-classed, and cast adrift in an economy that’s only growing for those who the ruling class has chosen to elevate.

One effect that this shakeup will have is to create an alliance between the social democrats and the far right, which already exists to an extent but will take on a new form as America’s collapse accelerates. So far, what’s mainly brought together these two camps is a shared hatred towards communists; what will define the alliance in the long term, though, is a lumpenized alienation from modernity, one that they’ll react to by embracing the most anti-social beliefs and behaviors.

As the compatible left gets discarded by the system, we’re seeing its ranks go in the same direction as the lumpenized men who gravitated towards Nick Fuentes groyperism. Which fulfills the principle of overlap between leftism and rightism that Haz Al-Din described in 2022:

If there is any model worthy of representing the ‘political spectrum’ (which does not actually represent political difference, but rather the political homogeneity of the modern state), it is precisely that of the swastika, as it cannot tilt right without also moving left. The dead form of modernity cannot be preserved, without also emanating the veneer of change. This shocking fact is already self-evident throughout Europe and Ukraine. To call leftists fascists would be superfluous, for leftism is already far more fascist than fascism could ever possibly have been. All the genocidal intent, violence, terrorism and bestiality of fascism is amplified, with far more viciousness, brutality and efficiency in leftism, a fact which is sure to become evident to all in the years to come.

The leftists were supposed to be the ones who would remain “normies,” and get careers after graduating. Surely they wouldn’t be cast out by the forces of capital; that only happens to the backwards and the uneducated. This was the expectation of the Gen Z progressives who were in a position to go through college during the lockdown era, and to feel like their credentials would give them access to the labor-aristocratic institutions.

Among those within this strata who sought careers inside of activism, this era’s rising mass political radicalization gave them hope that the 2020s would be a uniquely opportune historical moment for them. But these hopes failed to materialize, because the compatible left gets its strength not from the working masses but from billionaire philanthropy. When the funders of the left decided to start pivoting towards a different strategy, the nonprofits and careerist left orgs underwent a crisis, and nothing made sense for the ones who were promised a role in this system.

Now that the ones in this strata have become part of our society’s left-behinds, they’re having to grapple with the same questions that the incels have: what did we do to deserve this, why do the old rules of success no longer apply? The answers can be found by looking at the history of when social orders have been upended by new productive modes, as explained by Engels in Origins of the Family:

The social organization under which the people of a particular historical epoch and a particular country live is determined by both kinds of production: by the stage of development of labor on the one hand and of the family on the other. The lower the development of labor and the more limited the amount of its products, and consequently, the more limited also the wealth of the society, the more the social order is found to be dominated by kinship groups. 

However, within this structure of society based on kinship groups the productivity of labor increasingly develops, and with it private property and exchange, differences of wealth, the possibility of utilizing the labor power of others, and hence the basis of class antagonisms: new social elements, which in the course of generations strive to adapt the old social order to the new conditions, until at last their incompatibility brings about a complete upheaval. In the collision of the newly-developed social classes, the old society founded on kinship groups is broken up; in its place appears a new society, with its control centered in the state, the subordinate units of which are no longer kinship associations, but local associations; a society in which the system of the family is completely dominated by the system of property, and in which there now freely develop those class antagonisms and class struggles that have hitherto formed the content of all written history.

The importance of this analysis to understanding today’s social crises can’t be overstated, because it reveals the impersonal nature of history. It shows that the great disenfranchisement we’re experiencing is a new, more advanced version of the upheavals that humanity has undergone numerous times.

The example of the agrarian revolution that Engels talks about here was only the first phase; since then we’ve seen technological advancements destroy the slave order and the feudal order, with the capitalist order now undergoing the same extinction process. When we can articulate why the tragedy’s origins are in a tension between two historical epochs, in a class conflict that’s come about from the transition to a new productive mode, we gain the tools to combat the lumpenized ideology that’s taking root right now among many sectors of our society.

This is an ideology that interprets every part of today’s crises through the lens of top-down conspiracy, blinding itself to the class conflicts which history is truly defined by. Those in my own political camp aren’t immune to this fallacy of thinking; for instance, many of them have concluded that the rise of Zohran was due to a “DNC psyop,” ignoring the critical role of the petty-bourgeois urbanites who mobilized behind Zohran out of their own distinct class interests. It’s easy to fall into such reductive analysis if one hasn’t fully kept up with fluid history, and the danger is that lumpenization will lead to a rise in this ahistorical, anti-materialist thinking.

Within the petty-bourgeoisie and the lumpen, the most common manifestation of this fallacy is antisemitism; which, as Engels observed, gained traction in the capitalist era due to a “reaction of declining medieval social strata against a modern society consisting essentially of capitalists and wage-labourers.” The modern parallel to this is found among the petty-bourgeois professionals who treat AI as an insidious bogeyman, corrupting everything and conspiring to destroy humanity itself.

The line from this type of paranoia to the “Jewish question” is easy to see. As more of the metropolitan petty-bourgeoisie get de-classed, they’ll no doubt embrace the Jewish fixation. We already see much anecdotal evidence of this, with many leftists recently coming to use rhetoric like “Zionist Occupied Government” and 4chan-coded slurs.

This growing comfort with using non-polite language comes from a shrinking incentive to please the hegemonic liberal institutions; when you’re no longer worried that HR will come for you, or you’ll be rejected from a job because of what you’ve said online, the old constraints no longer touch you. This applies to people who aspire towards every line of work, not just the high-end careers; the job market as a whole has been historically exclusive for half a decade now, and those who’ve been shut out are increasingly getting the sense that trying isn’t worth it. The individuals who’ve held hopes for entering the labor aristocracy are now being put in the same place as all of the cast-out entry level job seekers. Unemployment is becoming the normal reality for the post-Covid generation.

This will either create an army of anti-social individuals, or create a great new base for revolutionary organizing. It all depends on how well we work to capture the growing popular alienation, and build a dual popular infrastructure that can give the left-behinds a new purpose.

————————————————————————

If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.

To survive the Jakarta Method, we must bring Americans together in defending their liberty

Our rulers increasingly desire to implement the Jakarta Method, the model for mass killings that was carried out by the 20th century’s CIA-installed dictatorships. This practice, first implemented when Indonesia’s military junta took hundreds of thousands of lives, was what would ultimately let Washington win the Cold War. Given its success in preserving banking power, we have every reason to expect our government will use it against Americans themselves. The way to fight back is through a combination of internal organizational preparation, via secret work; exploiting the conflicts between our different class enemies; and building a popular coalition that brings together all Americans who oppose our dictatorial regime. 

At this point the regime is just looking for the right moment to attack us. The question is what form the violence will take. Under a social-democratic presidency, the political murders would likely be directed at the communists and anti-imperialists in particular, letting the socdems form a coalition with the far right based around crushing their common enemies. Or it may look like a purge against the broader left and civic society, which the Zionist right seeks to do through its long-standing Jewish terrorist formations. These disagreements among the enemy are things we may be able to take advantage of; but unless we establish independent organizing power for the masses, the people will be the ones who get defeated.

Those in power have been seriously considering a mass-scale purge for a long time now, likely since the 2008 economic collapse and no doubt since the pandemic. The more apparent it’s become that the United States wouldn’t be able to remain stable, and that the American people will need major intimidation to be kept from rebelling, the closer the ruling class has gotten to embracing such drastic solutions. But if the American people unify around fighting back, they’ll be able to outmaneuver their class enemies, who themselves are increasingly divided.

This rift inside the imperial structure comes from a shared panic among the two major wings of capital. Neither the “globalist” international banking capitalists, nor the domestic bourgeoisie, can find a way to bring back the stability that U.S. capital enjoyed during the mid-20th century. Therefore as China’s rise continues, and advancing technology brings unprecedented threats to the old productive mode, the bourgeoisie fight with each other over how to respond to these crises. If the American people assert their own interests within this class conflict, they’ll be able to make the elites destroy each other before they can carry out a Jakarta Method here.

For us to gain this advantage, we must learn from what led the forces of capitalist genocide to win in the past. We must look at the consequences of lax preparation for confronting an enemy, something that Indonesia’s communist party admitted was its failure:

In order to prove that the road followed was not the opportunist "peaceful road", the Party leadership always spoke of the two possibilities, namely, the possibility of a "peaceful road" and the possibility of a non-peaceful road, and that the better the Party prepared itself to face the possibility of a non-peaceful road, the greater would be the possibility of a "peaceful road". In fact, such statements show precisely the existence of dualism concerning the road followed by the Party leadership. By doing so, the hope for a "peaceful road" which in reality did not exist was always implanted in the minds of Party members, the working class and the masses of the working people. 

In practice, the Party leadership did not prepare the whole ranks of the Party, the working class and the masses of the people to face the possibility of a non-peaceful road. The most striking proof was the gravest tragedy which happened after the outbreak and the failure of the “September 30th Movement”. Within a short space of time, the counter-revolution succeeded in massacring and arresting hundreds of thousands of Communists and non-Communist revolutionaries who found themselves in a passive position, paralysing the organization of the PKI and the revolutionary mass organizations. Such a situation surely would never happen if the Party leadership did not deviate from the revolutionary road.

This is a lesson that’s critical to internalize for all Americans who oppose the regime, not just the communists. Any person or organization which goes against our banking dictatorship needs to be truly prepared for a scenario of peril. This is something that’s understood by the libertarian movement, and communists understand this too. The obstacle to unity between these forces, and to a coherent response towards the state’s counterinsurgency, is America’s separation from its historic working-class patriotic culture. 

In tandem with its mass murder campaigns abroad, our ruling class systematically dismantled this culture during the postwar era. It stripped down the unions, drove communism to the margins, and cultivated a new paradigm of individualism that denied the collective nature of America’s formative struggles. After this culminated in a massive expansion of the war on the working class, the response from the most advanced among the masses was to form libertarian militia movements.

These armed sovereignty efforts, ascendant during the 1990s, were revolutionary in a way. But because the working class had been robbed of organization, during this time counter-hegemonic politics had a character of radical individualism; or at least this is what it looked like on the surface. In practice, they were an effort to restore the collective popular fighting tools that America’s masses had lost. Within America’s mass politics, the negation of the negation had appeared. And this happened at the same moment when the U.S. empire would negate its post-Soviet triumph by launching the self-destructive War on Terror.

As China and the other counter-hegemonic forces have taken advantage of Washington’s faltering, the empire has sought to capture the libertarian forces into its desperate war efforts. But the Zionist right-wingers have failed to sell their neocon agenda through hollow rhetoric about “liberty”; the right is now dead, and the MAGA base is looking for an authentic version of popular politics.

The new psyop that’s being pushed on the MAGA base is designed to portray communists as Zionists who murdered millions of Christians, as the narrative promoted by Candace Owens says. This narrative’s purpose is to divide the popular forces at a critical moment, preventing a united front and reinforcing the confused individualist sentiments that were instilled in the boomers. If we overcome this obstacle, the banking regime won’t be able to overcome the American desire for sovereignty.

————————————————————————

If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.