Trump & AOC are both driving forth unrestrained imperial assault. Yemen & Palestine show how to fight back.

What does it tell us that the president who was supposed to bring spectacular “peace” deals has fully taken the mask off of U.S. imperialism’s violence? That Iran is under likely unprecedented threat from Washington, less than a year after Trump 2.0 was pretending to be interested in de-escalation? It tells us that the anti-imperialist movement can only succeed when it’s given up all bourgeois illusions about class reconciliation, and come to base itself within the proletarian struggle. As long as our movement entertains these illusions, and acts like the material interests driving imperialist war can be neutralized through negotiations or reforms, the movement will keep failing.

When we within the empire’s heart have given up these dangerously harmful ideas, we’ll be able to take example from the struggles of the Global South, which by their nature are not as susceptible to reformist idealism. Forces like Yemen’s Ansarallah, or Palestine’s resistance, exist in contexts where the people have been forced into desperation; so the tendencies that promise reconciliation with the aggressors can’t even gain a foothold within these forces. The masses by necessity embrace the popular revolutionary struggle, as it’s their only path besides destruction. 

With this perspective about what anti-imperialist struggle looks like in its raw, pure form, we see that this struggle cannot be “de-classed,” as the reformists wish could be done. Yemen did not break free from international finance capital, and get a government that represents the people’s revolutionary desires, by working out a deal with the Zionists and the imperialists. It got this far by applying a technologically updated version of Che Guevara’s guerrilla warfare strategy, which let it keep advancing in the struggle even as Washington has inflicted genocidal violence upon the country.

To win against the enemy we’re fighting, we have to adopt the mentality of those movements that are fully committed to their task of resistance, as they don’t even have the option to take a middle route of compromise. Such false paths come from the bourgeois ideologies that ignore how capitalism is inseparable from imperialism. For an example of when such ideologies have sought to mislead the people, including the class-conscious workers, William Z. Foster explained the deceptive tactics of Communist Party leader Earl Browder:

Browder’s line is a rejection of the Leninist theory of imperialism as the final stage of capitalism. Comrade Browder, in his books and speeches, paints a utopian picture of a world capitalist system, not moribund, but vigorous and progressive, especially in its American section—a world capitalist system about to enter into a period of unprecedented expansion. It is a denial of the general crisis of the capitalist system. Browder believes that under the leadership of his “enlightened” American monopolists, the imperialist ruling classes in this and other capitalist countries will peacefully and spontaneously compose their differences with each other, with the U.S.S.R., with the liberated countries of Europe, and with the colonial and semi-colonial countries, without mass struggle. This is the bourgeois liberal notion that the epoch of imperialism is past. It conflicts fundamentally with the Leninist theory of imperialism as the last stage of a decadent capitalist system.

By studying how communists have fought against the forces in their own parties that have tried to sell class reconciliation, we can gain the insights needed to solidify a real anti-imperialist position. Obviously we shouldn’t have to wait until conditions get sufficiently bad before we can struggle against bourgeois reformist ideology, and somebody is capable of discarding this ideology even if they’re bourgeois themselves; unless you’re dealing with a society like Israel’s settlers, your community and its social movements can absolutely be rallied behind the revolutionary cause. This can be done by exposing how the reformists are truly aligned with capital, and work to advance capital’s biggest projects of global violence.

The next reformist scam will be one where faux-socialists like AOC promise that the working class can prevail by electing a “progressive” president. This scam is in a way even more social chauvinist than Trump 2.0, because AOC has been critiquing Trump for not waging imperialist war hard enough; her arguments have been that Trump is enabling “authoritarianism” around the globe, and that Trump should have destroyed Venezuela’s revolutionary government. This is social fascism unmasked, and it’s exceptionally dangerous because it advocates for imperial aggression under a “socialist” brand. We can figure out how to fight against it, though, by looking at the particular way AOC’s politics take class out of the political struggle.

Social democracy is by definition a class collaborationist ideology, based within the petty-bourgeois illusions about how the workers and the capitalists can reach peace. How have this ideology’s propagators tried to uphold these illusions, though, when confronted with the paradigm-shattering horrors of Gaza? The holocaust against the Palestinians proves that U.S. imperialism is limitlessly violent, and not interested in compromise; so to maintain their pro-capitalist position while posturing as pro-Palestine, the social fascists have portrayed their imperialist welfare state model as being compatible with a free Palestine. Which depends on the notion that Zionism's “progressive” wing, represented by pro-socdem PACs like J Street, genuinely desires equality.

When these faux Palestine allies employ this deceptive tactic, they utilize the parts of the Palestinian diaspora which share such a “soft” Zionist mindset. The J Street wing of Zionism is aligned with the Palestinian Authority, the Zionist puppet regime that denounces Hamas for not taking the “peaceful” path. The PA, with its bourgeois version of Palestinian politics, is what provides legitimacy to the social fascists who oppose the resistance from a “pro-Palestine” angle. And the resistance has had to reckon with this class contradiction inside Palestinian society; concluded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine at its 1969 Congress:

It is the workers and peasants who today fill the miserable camps in which most Palestinians live. When we refer to the camps, we in reality refer to a class situation representing the workers, peasants and the destitute sections of the petit bourgeoisie of the Palestinian people. Here lie the forces of revolution... the forces of change. Here we find real preparation for long years of fighting. Here are the particular daily living conditions which drive people on to fight and die because the difference between death and life under such conditions is not much. It is by starting from this objectivity that we are able to define the distinguishing mark between our people’s unsuccessful struggle during the past fifty years and this new stage of our struggle, to draw a line of demarcation between clarity and vagueness, and to determine the great difference between a revolutionary march ending in victory and a hesitant, unsteady march ending in failure. When we have addressed ourselves to the workers and peasants – the inhabitants of camps, villages and poor urban districts-and armed them with political awareness, organisation and fighting means, we shall have created the firm material foundation for a historical liberation revolution. It is the rise of such a solid revolutionary backbone that will enable us to conclude class alliances to benefit the revolution without exposing it to vacillation, deviation or defeat.

It is such vagueness, vagueness about the question of class, that’s holding back so many fronts in the global anti-imperialist struggle. You cannot prevent or defend against the wars of capital while ignoring the class forces at the heart of every aspect in this conflict. The Palestinian liberation movement needed to reckon with class in order to build a fighting force which knows where its class allies are; this is one of the critical lessons we must take from the Global South’s struggles. It’s how we can defeat the bourgeois reformists within the antiwar movement and the socialist movement, reorienting our practice to where it can effectively fight global finance capital. Then we will be able to act in tandem with the forces that are most successfully resisting Washington’s murder campaign.

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The tech nerds shoved Gen Z to the margins. Now they’re trying to prevent an uprising from the left-behinds.

This message is intended for a particular demographic, that being the ones within Gen Z who’ve been “left behind” in life by our productive mode. It’s of course also directed towards anyone else with an interest in overthrowing capital, but Gen Z’s particular conditions are not focused on enough within Marxist discourse, so it’s necessary to ensure that we as Marxists connect with Gen Z. The masses only have a reason to listen to us if we speak and act in a way that advances their needs, and the needs of the “left-behinds” are unique within history. No past group has been so substantially cut off from the life that lets somebody start a family, and the effect this has is to create an entire generation without such a familial connection to the future. 

The aspect of this crisis I’ll focus on here is how our society’s rulers are reacting to the rise of the left-behinds. How our military-intelligence establishment views these individuals as a strategic threat, and are taking preemptive measures to crush an uprising from people with nothing to lose. Appropriately, the ones tasked with this counterinsurgency project are the same “tech nerds” who facilitated the destruction of Gen Z’s future. It was the techies who could become the new central figures within monopoly finance capital, and progressively reshape our society following the 2008 and 2020 collapses.

Because they’ve been able to define the direction our civilization would take amid the last generation’s technological advancements, we now have a cyberpunk dystopia where a massive proportion of the the people are treated as excess. Yet from this “excess” comes the key to the system’s downfall. A large proportion of “excess” individuals is historically a guarantor of destabilization. And if we organize the left-behinds alongside their class allies, what comes from this will be proletarian victory—the outcome that finance capital has always been trying to prevent above all else.

It’s this “wild card” nature of an alienated population that provides critical context for why our government is building another mass surveillance system, on top of the one it already has. The Zionist-tied, unprecedentedly advanced Palantir spying infrastructure is a defense measure against the backlash that’s going to come from having forced so many individuals out of the “normal” lifestyle. When we notice this mobilization that our class enemies are carrying out in response to the very existence of today’s “excess” underclass, we gain direction on where the “excess” individuals can go to attain agency. On what these technocratic financial monopolists fear the masses may do, and how to correct the great power balance that’s arisen.

A power imbalance has always been there, ever since class society came into being. The rise of the “excess” individuals, as they exist in today’s post-industrial core capitalist countries, is only an outgrowth of this ancient inequality. Part of why Marxists need to reach the left-behinds is because without being exposed to a class analysis, they’ll be vulnerable to the Israeli-backed right-wing online psyops, which blame their suffering on everything besides class. Aside from our task of defeating the far right in debate, though, what we must account for regarding the left-behinds is that many of them have been separated from politics entirely. When somebody has been existing for a long time without motion in their lives, this is going to impact their mental health; which is why Gen Z’s arrested development has had a psychologically crippling effect on what are now likely millions of individuals.

Keeping these victims of our mental health crisis in such a depressed state is the first resort for the anti-Gen Z counterinsurgency. This is why our government’s psychological warfare agents cultivate mass prescription drug addiction, as well as mass pornography addiction: their ideal outcome for the “excess” is endless sedation and lethargy. Yet it’s evidently necessary to keep an extremely close eye on them, via the new innovations in data collection and political manipulation that Palantir has provided. Our transnational banking dictatorship cannot count on our society remaining in its present Huxleyan state; there is clearly a fear that massive social upheavals are on their way.

These upheavals have been made inevitable because even though much of the masses are inert at this stage, our evolving productive forces have set into motion what will become the greatest disruption in history. With the acceleration of advancement in AI, never before has so much human labor been outmoded, and never before has humanity become capable of so much material or creative achievement. Conversely, never before have we seen such a high proportion of the masses pushed out of the “normal” life paths. These two aspects of today’s reality seem paradoxical, yet when you look at history, it all perfectly fits with established patterns. The industrial revolution opened up utterly unprecedented possibilities for production, yet it let the capitalists force more people than ever into conditions of unlivable exploitation. When the proletariat gained control over these new productive means, though, they used industry to bring about unmatched economic growth and stability, which we continue to see socialism demonstrate within China.

This is the historical perspective that explains everything the left-behinds are experiencing, and shows us the path out of our crisis. A crisis like this has happened before, and it’s happened extremely recently within the scope of human history. Only a couple hundred years after capitalism underwent the industrial revolution’s upheavals, now it’s undergoing the AI revolution, which like the previous social cataclysm is creating a great underclass. The difference is that whereas those within the old underclass were enslaved to an industrial profit machine, the new underclass is progressively being pushed out of a productive role. This process started many decades ago with deindustrialization; AI is only speeding up the degrowth. 

When we take control of AI, though, AI will become the force that brings the greatest growth civilization has ever seen, to a degree incomparable with everything that came before it. It will bring humanity wealth that we can’t imagine, while giving us all the free time to limitlessly engage in science, art, and the other high pursuits. Today’s reality seems inconceivably far removed from this reality that’s coming. Our society is saturated in porn, drugs, and other degenerate psyops. Yet at every step within the disruption we’re experiencing, the path to that collective greatness becomes clearer. Moreover, we don’t need to wait until any future stage to begin accessing the tools that history has already given us. Right now, we can use the new technologies to advance revolutionary progress, and can apply all of history’s lessons to fight our class enemies. This is the mission that I invite the left-behinds into: utilize the knowledge and mechanisms we’ve been provided with to carry forward the class war, thereby freeing humanity from the financial parasites who are holding it back.

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The rulers of the “Millennial Reich”: rootless, seeking permanent revolution, & ready for civil war

To understand the psychology and class role of those within the “Millennial Reich,” we must look at the timeline of America’s collapse. The edgy, pro-Atlanticist fanaticism of this layer within the millennial generation is driven by how these individuals came at the very end of America’s era of opportunities. By the time the Millennial Reich’s social base came of age in the 2010s, the proportion of Americans with access to the boomer life paths had already become quite small; the 2008 collapse dynamited the old social order, and 2020 would condemn the next generation to even greater scarcity. The response from the minority of bourgeoisified millennials has been to adopt the most extreme kind of “boomer” mindset, where they’re blaming Gen Z for its suffering while setting out to wage a new globalist holy war—i.e. the color revolution scheme which was formulated by the Obama foreign policy wing.

AOC, prime member of the Millennial Reich, recently articulated this vision for an even greater assault against the globe than the one Trump is already waging. AOC lamented how right-wing populism is holding back Washington’s ability to fight “authoritarianism”; which indicated what kind of pivot the globalist wing within our ruling class seeks to carry out. Part of AOC’s message was that Trump is too soft on Russia, which is a very common kind of bluster within ruling-class politics. But it’s doubtful that this bluster actually means the Democratic Party would go harder on Russia than Trump is, because the only way to “go harder” on Russia would be by instigating a nuclear confrontation. 

Trump’s White House is already applying the maximum amount of pressure on Russia, without escalating to the point that would end the world. This is the dilemma that the imperialists face due to nuclear weapons: they can’t bring back the scale of conflict from the last two world wars, so the third world war that they’ve launched is one where they inflict destruction through other means. 

It’s this project, in which capital seeks to resolve its crisis of overproduction by terrorizing the global working class, that centrally drives the Millennial Reich. Above all, its ranks seek to eliminate any opportunities for the world’s workers to assert their interests; which the Trump wing of capital obviously wants as well, but these woke millennial technocrats differ from the MAGA camp on how to accomplish that goal. This is not a small dispute, it’s something that the two wings are willing to fight a civil war over. Their core disagreements are over whether or not to keep importing mass amounts of immigrants, and whether or not to concentrate U.S. resources within NATO. 

These two areas of imperial management are interconnected; the capitalist actors who believe in unmitigated migration, and who desire to bring the U.S. back into full investment within NATO, take both of these positions because they are uncompromising globalists. They’re completely aligned with global finance capital, as opposed to domestic capital, and therefore will try to crush domestic capital if it threatens their mission of maximum globalization. For them, the stakes in this battle are existential. The problem now faced by these globalists, and by their millennial lackeys, is that imperialism’s own evils have created an obstacle towards restoring the Obama wing’s dominance.

The Democratic Party no longer has enough of a base to win in the way that it used to. The Gaza genocide has destroyed its present and future support among all Americans with a conscience, and it could therefore only regain power by subverting the constitution. If the circumstances were to prove favorable enough, no doubt Gavin Newsom would carry out a coup on behalf of the globalist camp, where the Democrats fully get rid of the first and second amendments. The maneuver by this camp where they’ve selectively released the Epstein files—and thereby hurt Trump’s circle while not endangering the actual capitalist order—is an attempt to get the globalists in place for such a takeover. 

Whether these tactics succeed in changing the balance of power remains to be seen. But what the Millennial Reich has already succeeded at is desensitizing and diverting the American people. These are the effects that the Epstein revelations have had; the leaks were designed to serve as a psyop, where the masses get exposed to horrors that further normalize ruling-class crimes. It’s all part of the effort to stop the working class from becoming organized, and gaining political agency that imperils the duopoly.

For the millions whose lives are under threat from imperialism’s aggressions, the outcome of America’s inter-capitalist rivalry doesn’t matter. They’re already experiencing the “worst case scenario,” because the Trump White House is bombing them right now as part of a genocidal plan that was always bipartisan. The part of this power struggle that truly matters is the one being played by the workers. If the workers can take advantage of the conflicts within the U.S. ruling class, and overthrow their banking dictatorship, the entire world will be freed from the menace that this dictatorship poses. What the working-class movement gains out of studying this clash between the capitalist dictators, and exposing the schemes of the different actors within this conflict, is a clear sense of how to fight for our class in this next phase.

In this stage of American capitalist collapse, both wings of capital have decided to let the country continue being hollowed out, and to abandon the youngest generations. The Trump wing represents the most reactionary elements within the boomer generation, which disregard Gen Z due to being simply out-of-touch. The globalist wing represents the reactionary millennials, who have a different mindset; for these millennials, the desire to scapegoat Gen Z and inflict mass-scale imperial violence comes from a paranoid insecurity. The woke imperial architects, who were behind AOC’s calls to crush “authoritarianism,” see how unstable capital has become. They see how imperialism’s internal rot, and escalations in monstrosity, have created roadblocks to its success. Or rather to the measures which they believe will bring it success. 

The Obama-Newsom wing views it as a deathly urgent matter to implement their color revolution plan, which they think is the genius maneuver that can solve imperialism’s growing troubles. This belief comes from ridiculous hubris, of course, but it’s what drives the messianic crusade that these technocrats are waging. The whole basis for the neocon worldview—which really just means the Trotskyist worldview—is a war against reality. When the material world fails to conform to the dictates of the Trotskyist messiah, as it always will, then the messiah must smite the disobedient at all costs. When this is the task you’ve committed to, it takes no effort to internalize the globalist mentality where only international capital matters, and one’s own nation has zero value. What is American prosperity, compared to the rewards that will come from winning the global permanent revolution?

Realistically, what the Millennial Reich Trotskyists will be able to accomplish is the further destruction of the American social order, with their methods for this being particular to the ideology and material interests they represent. The Trump wing is also destroying social relations, with its preferred method being to turn ICE into a rogue paramilitary force that instigates civil conflict. The Millennial Reich’s weapons are the ultraviolent lumpen “antifa” elements that insert themselves into protests, and sabotage popular resistance movements. This is the role the globalist wing has within left-wing politics: to cultivate a false left which has absolutely no relationship to the actual working class struggle. 

Using these counter-gang proxies, the Millennial Reich will continue to set traps for our mass movements within the metropole, leading demonstrators into adventurist battles with the police that they can’t win. The task of working class organizers is to connect with both the rural white workers, who this false left despises; as well as the black, brown, and indigenous masses, who the false left claims to represent. Our liberal class enemies have created a version of “socialism” that’s aligned with their Trotskyist agenda, and this political force is dangerous. But it’s also designed to stay limited to an extremely narrow range of support, isolating itself from the popular masses. If we keep building the authentic workers movement’s presence among the neglected masses, we’ll become the third player in this conflict, the one that ends the imperial order.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Extermination was always the plan, and this plan’s success depends on whether we accept it

A crucial part of why the Gaza genocide could get this far is because numerous ostensibly dissident political actors decided to de-center Palestine. The Democrat entryists within the left decided to muddle their pro-Palestine messaging, and make it just another issue next to a list of Trump-centered grievances. The right opportunists sold an absurd narrative about how Trump would dismantle the American imperial deep state, and in doing so ignored how Trump aimed to carry Gaza’s holocaust to the next stage. These cynical diversions from class struggle and solidarity enabled the genocide’s perpetrators to shove Palestine out of the spotlight, and thereby accelerate the extermination. This tactic of concealing the Gaza holocaust is only one aspect, though, of how our rulers have narratively sold this project to extinguish an entire people; the other aspect, the more advanced one, is desensitization. Their hope has been that over time, we would come to accept regularly broadcasted mass murder as normal.

A recent sign that we’ve now moved more towards the desensitization stage is the publication of much of the Epstein files, which was strategically done by one wing of the ruling class in order to normalize violence against children. Normalization has always been a psychological warfare method that Palestinians have dealt with; they’ve had to learn to fight back against the kind of manipulation where somebody asks you to compromise on what you treat as normal, because supposedly it’s a fixed part of reality. Our ruling class seeks to use the shocks we’ve experienced in these last few years—where we’ve seen countless videos of cold-blooded murder and documented sexual assault by our leaders—to make us passively accept everything.

Such a psyop would be exceptionally damaging if it were to succeed, and it has succeeded to an extent. Yet there is evidence that we can bring about the opposite outcome, where these shocks catalyze an unprecedented revolutionary popular struggle. Part of this evidence is found in the rise of the Luigi movement, which has proven that when the masses gain a powerful symbol of resistance, they will come together to advance the class war. These psychological tactics haven’t taken away our capacity for fighting back, they’ve only created conditions of paralysis that many are struggling to overcome. And they will overcome these conditions, if those of us within the popular revolutionary movements adopt practices which can lead the masses as they exist right now. The biggest problem at this moment is that the people within the empire’s core have been demobilized and disorganized; but this is not a fixed state of things, any more than Zionism’s existence is permanent.

To break the masses out of this state, we’re going to need to connect the American workers struggle with the Global South’s liberation struggle in ways that no one has been able to do thus far. I am talking about creating a synthesis between the class-conscious politics as it’s come to exist among the American people of today; and the revolutionary traditions that the peoples of the Global South have developed in their centuries of resisting exploitation. Reaching this synthesis will require actually living out the struggle’s next phases; but already, we know certain things about the politics which will let Americans overthrow their banking dictatorship, and thereby play their part in freeing the peoples who the empire seeks to exterminate.

We know that this politics will involve a collective effort to solidify the American nation; not in a chauvinistic way, but in fact the opposite way. There is no way that the American nation will be able to survive unless America’s people act in tandem with the Palestinian resistance, and with the other forces which are fighting against our imperialist government. It’s necessary to emphasize American nationhood in order to gain the organization required for effectively fighting on Palestine’s behalf, because we will only defeat the empire when we’ve clearly defined who is with or against the empire. The servants of the genocidal machine stand against the American nation; the American nation’s allies will be the ones who take part in the empire’s destruction.

We know that this politics will only be able to exist, as a real force that fulfills its liberatory role, when we’ve come to understand political struggle the way the Palestinians understand it. Those living under colonialism or neo-colonialism have had to figure out how to continue building popular power in the midst of the most extreme state terror. On an organizational level, they’ve needed to master the art of war, and the art of secret work; while on a societal level, they’ve needed to acclimate towards helping one’s neighbors amid constant existential danger. When everyone’s life is threatened, a people can’t afford the atomistic and narcissistic individualism that’s propagated by imperialist culture. The only way to survive amid apocalyptic destruction is through collective struggle, which our culture is hostile towards; but as societal collapse advances, more and more within the hedonistic societies will turn to the collective path.

We do not need to wait for things to get sufficiently bad before we can start organizing the masses. The only option, both morally and practically, is to do this work right now. To get a clear sense of what this work must look like, we can delineate between those opportunistic trends which turned their back on Palestine; and the actual solidarity movements that are doing something substantial for the liberation struggle. One example is the Palestinian Alternative Revolutionary Path Movement, whose achievements throughout the struggle’s latest phase have been summarized by Khaled Barakat:

What is taking place today cannot be read as a mere accumulation of activities, but as a qualitative advance of a revolutionary condition that has become a genuine source of disturbance to the Zionist enemy and its allies. Within a relatively short period of time, the Alternative Revolutionary Path has succeeded in moving from a nascent framework to an international political actor, by building organizational and popular presence in North America and Europe, and by leading a series of conferences and popular mobilizations that have restored the centrality of Palestinian international action in the diaspora. This trajectory has broken the constraints imposed by the Madrid–Oslo phase, during which the diaspora was stripped of its role and relations with the world were confined to official channels and complicit regimes, at the expense of the natural relationship with peoples and liberation movements…

What the Alternative Revolutionary Path puts forward is not a ready-made formula for liberation, but a restoration of fundamental truths that were deliberately obscured: there is no liberation without organization, no resistance without the masses, and no confrontation with the Zionist movement without shattering the illusions of settlement produced by the Oslo era. From this standpoint, the March 2026 conference marks the declaration of entry into a new phase of open political confrontation, in light of the results of the ongoing genocidal war in occupied Palestine.

In this Palestine article, I have partly discussed the conditions of America because we must understand these conditions in order to truly fight for Palestine. If there’s no resistance without the masses, then it’s the responsibility of every Palestine ally around the world to galvanize the masses within their own countries, whatever this looks like for where they are. In America, it looks like bringing the revolutionary capacities of the people to the same level of advancement that the Global South’s masses have reached when they’ve been victorious. The further we get in this mission, the more we’ll be able to contribute to the upsurge that’s being put into motion by forces like the Revolutionary Path. Our enemies will try to extinguish us, but we know the alternative to facing these enemies. The alternative is to retreat, and act as passive observers while the devils of the world wipe out millions of lives.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Technocrats, their efforts to normalize pedophilia, & the fight that Americans are tasked with

As American society becomes less functional, and our rulers seek to profit from this, a trend is emerging: the spread of child sexualization. This trend is only relative, of course, to the institutional pedophilic culture that was already present. The wealthy and powerful have always been abusing children, and we can find examples of them propagating pedophilic imagery and language throughout the whole history of popular culture. What’s happening now, though, is that their fetishization of children is being mixed in with the larger proliferation of the sex industry, and the hyper-sexual mentality that comes along with it. When we can identify which institutions and political forces are at the forefront of this project, we become able to translate the outrage over Epstein into something actually revolutionary; to overcome the problem of these Epstein leaks being a controlled social release valve, and truly make the crimes of our ruling class have consequences.

To understand which social forces are behind today’s rising pedo culture, we have to look at the emergence of the “technocrats,” the utopian movement that emerged in response to the Great Depression. Technocracy asserts that if we have rule by the engineers, society will by default overcome all antagonisms between the capitalists and the workers, because every decision will be made on a purely rational basis. Explained A. Roland in 1941 about why this logic is inherently fascist:

Technocracy has a fundamental contempt for the lowly masses. But it has stepped beyond the chart and blueprint stage in its evolution. It now emerges as the American brand of National Socialism with more and more of its effort directed at enlisting in its ranks the middle class. It will resort more and more to demagogy to achieve this aim. Its program will veer with every current to make use of every opportunity to win over one or another group that feels the heel of capitalist rule grinding it into the dust. No longer will it appeal only to the technicians “as a class.” Its behind-the-scene masters have other plans for it.

The working class must be wary of this movement. We know well that every movement which pretends to serve the interests of neither the capitalist class nor the working class, winds up as the henchman of the big bankers and capitalists. When such movements emerge, they are not accidental. They are symptoms of moods and currents existing in different groups and classes of society which seek organized expression. The growth of such movements would mean a threat to the existence of organized labor. That is why workers must consciously watch such movements, interpret them properly, and take the appropriate measures to counter their threat.

To see how technocracy connects to pedophilia, we must look at the political role that child sexualization is playing; at the advantage that finance capital gets in the class war from making pedophilia acceptable. Big tech, which is now the largest force within the financial monopolies, has taken on a central role in this normalization effort; and this shows where the priorities of the “tech nerds” truly lie. The Epstein files prove that within the psychology of our ruling class, assaulting and murdering children is seen as the epitome of achievement; it’s something that they view as the height of liberation, and the ideology behind this has a basis in the traditions of pedophilic role models such as the Marquis de Sade. The technocrats who run our algorithms take their cues from this ideology, and every day we’re seeing the cultural impacts of this.

Sexualizing children has a strategic function for our class enemies, beyond the pleasure they personally get from abusing children; this function is to recruit sick minds into participating in the apparatus of child abuse. To take pornography beyond its normal class role of furthering exploitation, and make certain elements into accomplices within the very worst forms this exploitation can take. When someone chooses this path, they haven’t just been turned into class traitors; they’ve been made into enemies of humanity, into agents of the Satanic ruling-class cults and embodiments of the child sacrifice god Baal (according to the esoteric side of these child abuse operations). In spiritual terms, this is what’s now being spread across our culture via big tech’s new AI tools, which have allowed for these demonic individuals to create unprecedented amounts of simulated child sexual images.

This tactic that these pedophiles have adopted, where they’re using AI to often openly engage in behaviors that would otherwise get them arrested, is part of a long-standing project where child predators have sought to take advantage of technology for this exact purpose. Their end goal is to become fully free from the danger of punishment for their crimes, and the loophole of artificially generated child sexual material is what can advance this goal the fastest. The pedocrats began laying the legal groundwork for this a generation ago; in 2002, the Supreme Court struck down a 1996 law that had criminalized digitally manipulating non-sexual pictures of children to portray them in a sexual manner. Which is exactly the kind of editing that pedophiles have been engaging in through tools like Grok.

The court’s justification was that the simulated child porn ban violated freedom of speech; which reveals the true nature of “freedom” within the framework of capitalism and U.S. imperialism. The “freedom” that our rulers talk about is the freedom to use children for sadistic pleasure, and when we understand this, we can gain the direction required for overthrowing the pedocracy.

There is a historical materialist reason behind why pedophilia is not only integral to our political and economic order, but is now being increasingly popularized. Predatory behaviors and ideas serve to reinforce the system of financial speculation, which does everything it can to further child trafficking and pro-pedophilia beliefs. Any mechanisms within our law enforcement to combat child sexual abuse only exist due to historic pressures from the popular masses; if the ones in power had their way, we would be living in a world of unmitigated sexual slavery. This is a critical piece of context, one that shows why even though there is a law enforcement infrastructure to counter child rapists, the police at the same time regularly use these same rapists as informants. This is not the case in a place like China, which in this last month has implemented a policy of death without exception for convicted child molesters.

The great danger of this moment, in terms of both pedophilia and all other evils, is that the masses will be made too desensitized to mount a resistance. This is what the perpetrators are counting on: for us to become paralyzed because it seems like there’s no way to fight back. A critical part of how we gain a clear path forward is by investigating the histories behind these evils, and recognizing the origins of the traumatic things we’re seeing. The emergence of technocracy, and its rise to being the central force within modern finance capital, is connected to developments like the creation of the digital child porn loophole. This loophole may prove to be exceptionally useful to the pedocracy, because the more advanced generative AI becomes, the better the perpetrators will be able to argue they have plausible deniability when caught with child porn; as the rule is that it’s not illegal if we aren’t sure that it depicts real children. 

This concern about the 2002 court ruling used to be largely speculative, but at this stage it’s very plausible that pedophiles will be able to manipulate the law in such a way. And we know who the responsible party is: the tech lackeys of finance capital, who’ve used AI to facilitate a historic expansion in child abuse. These same technologies could be used to uplift humanity, though, if we seize the means behind this tech. This will require a struggle against the technocrats, where we unify Americans in a broad popular coalition. The people have been coming to a clear anti-systemic consciousness, and they’ll be able to avoid paralysis if we make it clear which actors are responsible for the horrors being displayed. Our fight is against both the financial monopoly capitalists themselves, and the techie class that’s brought their sick designs into being. The more of the people understand this, the better positioned we’ll be for the next phase in the class war.

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The danger of revolutionary retreat, & the counter-offensive the workers must wage

The biggest threat facing the working class movement is a willing retreat by the labor and labor-aligned forces. This is apparent from how Shainbaum’s government has hesitated to send assistance to Cuba, out of desire to avoid further punishment from Washington. Of course, this decision didn’t happen in a vacuum; Mexico came to such a fearful mentality after the U.S. bombed Venezuela to kidnap Maduro, and used its sense of impunity over Gaza to drive Cuba into collapse. Something we must understand, though, is that just because Mexico has very good reasons to be intimidated, this doesn’t take away the need for consistent solidarity. And the way we can apply this knowledge to our own organizing work is by becoming more serious in fighting for Cuba; by going beyond past solidarity methods which have proven to be ineffective, and figuring out how to truly harness the power of the working class.

For Cuba, Palestine, and every other solidarity fight, the only path forward is to go into organized labor. And when we know the history of how revolutionary agitation within unions has worked, we know that the reactionary opportunist labor leaders are not ultimately capable of thwarting our progress; not if we think about this fight tactically, and learn how to use the actions of our enemies against them. 

As William Z. Foster wrote in 1927, after the financial monopolies had successfully consolidated their control over the unions:

The heads of the unions have degenerated so fast and so far that now in many cases they are little better than Fascist agents, whose function it is to dragoon the working masses into still deeper and more helpless slavery to the employers. As the years proceeded industry became more and more mechanized, the employers, with vastly increased accumulations of capital, constantly combined their forces, industrial, financial, and political. Manifestly the unions should have responded to these capitalistic developments by amalgamating their forces, broadening out to take in the unskilled and by launching a mass labor party. But the Gompers bureaucrats, tools of the employers, bitterly and successfully combatted such tendencies. They disarmed labor in the face of its enemies.

The only way for communists to respond to reactionary sabotage within the unions is by rallying the workers to forge their own path. And we must do so by showing these workers how their leaders have betrayed them, with our agitational work being a crucial catalyst in bringing such problems to the forefront. This was how the Communist Party responded when the actions of the labor reactionaries brought catastrophic consequences, and made the humanitarian crisis of the Great Depression even worse; the Party carried out massive drives among the workers, ones which gave the workers great new power.

The solution is not to create red unions; this is something Foster illustrated copiously throughout his writings about the history of the labor movement, which frequently include stories about idealistic organizers splitting organized labor by setting up dual labor structures. This is also what Lenin conveyed in his warning about how foolish it is to refuse to work in reactionary trade unions: you cannot simply bypass the obstacle which the reactionary labor leaders represent. You have to face this problem unflinchingly, which you can only do by grasping what revolutionary working-class organization really means.

In the case of Cuba, it means building an independent popular resistance force against the blockade; one that gets its recruits in great part from the workers who will become disillusioned and animated by the anti-solidarity actions of their labor leadership. We’ve seen this with Palestine; when the United Auto Workers officials have refused to commit to assisting in the fight against the Gaza genocide, the union’s principled members have responded by publicly confronting them. 

When this confrontation happened two years ago, the only reason why Marxist-Leninists and other anti-imperialists couldn’t sufficiently take advantage of it was because we were very far behind in our organizational capacities back then. We still are, but we have made gains. And if we properly navigate this new moment of humanitarian outrage, we’ll build on these gains in a way that changes the balance of power. We’ll be able to offer our recruits work within aid networks for the blockade’s victims, build up the pro-solidarity forces within the unions, and construct independent worker orgs that aren’t red unions but actual revolutionary institutions.

A key lesson we must apply is that union organizing is not enough. This is something that the ultra-left opponents of union involvement understand, but they don’t have a serious answer to the problems we face; to seriously respond to problems like the anti-solidarity union leaders, we have to master the art of worker agitation and org-building. We have to learn how to communicate with the workers in a way that compels them to join with us, and also how to offer them revolutionary work that will actually pay off. 

With Cuba in particular, we have a recent history of attempted American solidarity actions that have proven what doesn’t work, and therefore can let us find effective methods. For decades, left orgs like ANSWER have tried to fight the Cuba sanctions by carrying out repetitive demonstrations, which haven’t been successful; not even in preparing the movement for more substantial actions, or building up its support. This comes from a long-running error where modern activists have been trying to re-create the protest energy of the 60s, and we can only escape this error by recognizing which historical factors truly drive social movements forward.

The revolutionary upsurge that America experienced during the 60s was related to a global wave of anti-colonial and worker revolts; revolts that were able to continue gaining victories, and maintain an ongoing legacy, even after the imperialists had launched a worldwide political extermination campaign. At the same time that Washington was implementing the “Jakarta method,” the model of anti-communist mass murder, the Vietnamese people were able to successfully fight back. This doesn’t diminish the holocaust that Washington committed, or negate the need to take our enemy’s violence seriously; it does mean, though, that an international solidarity front is capable of severely wounding the enemy, even when the enemy is at its strongest.

The lesson from this is to not respond to the enemy’s assaults by choosing acquiescence; this is an error that can come in forms which are cloaked within insidious rationalizations. The “protest cage” left has chosen retreat by centering its practice around demonstrations, which is why it’s lost its former relevance. The ultra-left practices, like splitting organized labor or embracing wanton adventurism, push the revolutionary forces into retreat simply by weakening them. 

To make true progress in the fight to rescue Cuba—and by extension every other aspect of our fight—we will have to act in tandem with the worldwide popular revolutionary struggles our government seeks to crush. We’ll have to learn from the liberation efforts of the Global South, one of which was articulated by Che Guevara in 1961: “Dark days await Latin America. The latest declarations of those that rule the United States seem to indicate that dark days await the world: Lumumba, savagely assassinated, in the greatness of his martyrdom showed the tragic mistakes that cannot be committed. Once the antiimperialist struggle begins, we must constantly strike hard, where it hurts the most, never retreating, always marching forward, counterstriking against each aggression, always responding to each aggression with even stronger action by the masses.”

How to translate this logic into the Cuba solidarity struggle, or the other fronts that we’re fighting? We can apply it by using the vile hypocrisies of our enemies to make the solidarity front all the stronger. When the Democrats who run the unions forsake Gaza’s people, or Cuba’s people, we have to make the fight against this opportunism into a rallying point. And we can give this rallying point power by tying it to the experiences of the workers in the USA, who are seeing their political class profit off of our civilization’s collapse.

When Che said that he envies U.S. Americans because our fight is inside the heart of the enemy, this was one of the victories he was anticipating: a popular outrage against imperialism that comes from how finance capital is destroying American society, which compels Americans to merge their struggle with those of the world’s other peoples. The more we bring the people into this fight, the more we’ll be able to damage the structures responsible for the blockade; the more we’ll be able to fight back against the petty tyrants who gatekeep labor on capital’s behalf. Their power comes from the people’s lack of power, and we will correct this discrepancy.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.