The Davos scheme to end the 1st & 2nd amendments, and how we can defend against it

Right now, the nationless forces of global capital are using American patriotism to justify destroying what’s left of the U.S. constitution. The propaganda which is coming from our government says that in order to save the American nation, we need to expand the censorship of “violent” or “hateful” speech, so much that the First Amendment will no longer apply. And because our freedom of speech and assembly will be crushed if this scheme succeeds, the liberal technocrats will then better be able to kill the Second Amendment as soon as they come back into power. 

The present campaign to take away the people’s rights is being presented as a defense against this technocratic, anti-human agenda, but really it’s what will create the conditions for this agenda to be taken much further. None of these censorship policies we’re seeing are patriotic, or even native to America; this is all part of an operation by trans-national capitalist power centers, such as Davos and the City of London, to manage America’s collapse. To make sure that as the United States falls apart, its people will react by turning against each other on a racial or cultural basis, rather than unify behind the class struggle. 

I name Davos as a critical player behind the designs to kill the 1st and 2nd amendments because according to the World Economic Forum’s own analysis, by 2030 all of the peoples under its control will no longer own guns—nor will they own anything else. The famous phrase that the WEF published in 2016 was “you will own nothing and be happy,” which summarized a vision for the near future where everyone in the metropolitan areas have come to live under a technological dictatorship. 

The analysis implies that the bulk of the masses will accept this dictatorship as an alternative to the crises the world is now experiencing, with the rural masses being described as the obsolete minority who’ve refused to embrace progress: “It was only at the last minute that we found out how to use all these new technologies for better purposes than just killing time,” says the narrator in the fictional story that the article is framed around. “My biggest concern is all the people who do not live in our city. Those we lost on the way. Those who decided that it became too much, all this technology. Those who felt obsolete and useless when robots and AI took over big parts of our jobs. Those who got upset with the political system and turned against it. They live different kind of lives outside of the city. Some have formed little self-supplying communities. Others just stayed in the empty and abandoned houses in small 19th century villages.”

To carry out this social engineering project, the elites need to sell the American right-wing as the answer to the violence and chaos we’re seeing, even though the right is fully part of this destructive process. The main narrative we need to combat now is the one about how in order to be patriotic, you need to support our government. This is the essence of the justification for these efforts at banning dissent, and the leaders of the anti-democratic push are depending on Americans to go along with it. But this logic of “super-patriotism,” as Michael Parenti called it, has always been very easy to take apart. 

When Parenti refuted the narratives of super-patriotism, he provided us with arguments that we would be able to use in a moment like this one, when our government is trying to criminalize dissent on a “patriotic” basis:

Opponents of US foreign policy are still accused of blaming or hating America. Once again, the protesters are made the issue instead of the policies they are protesting. In response, we must repeatedly point out that those who criticise the particular policies, leaders, or social conditions of their country do not thereby manifest a deficient loyalty. If the test of patriotism comes only by reflexively falling into lockstep behind the leader whenever the flag is waved, then what we have is a formula for dictatorship, not democracy. 

We critics of US policy are not directing our protests against that entity known as America but against particular US leaders who, we feel, do not represent the interests of the American people or any other people, but who advance the goals of a privileged coterie. We are not being anti-American when we criticise the president's policies, no more than we are being "anti-Middletown" and lacking in community spirit if we oppose the policies pursued by the mayor of Middletown, or whatever community. Quite the contrary, our opposition arises out of concern for what is being done to—and in the name of—our country or community. By the same token we are not being anti-Semitic if we criticise the Israeli government for the incursions and settlements in the occupied territories and for mistreatment of Palestinians.

These arguments are already compelling to the bulk of the American masses. Since the original War on Terror era, the country’s conditions have absolutely changed; the conservative base has largely turned on “Israel,” Gen Z has become radicalized into supporting the Palestinian resistance, working families have broadly become sick of U.S. foreign policy, and there is no reversing these trends. 

The best that our rulers can do is try to instigate new conflicts among the people; which they have partly been succeeding in, but amid all of the recent bitter culture war fights, there are other forces at work. Among most of the American masses, there is a growing sense that we need to come together against the ultraviolence which our government has been propagating. They see how our ruling class, and the global imperial apparatus that it runs, are working to turn us against each other. They also see the connections between “Israel” in particular, and the dark mercenary forces which have been acting to foment violence in this country.

In the face of these contradictions, the super-patriotic position cannot successfully persuade the bulk of the masses; not when it comes to the question of “Israel,” and certainly not when it comes to the question of the U.S. war machine. Because of how much of the public has correctly blamed “Israel” for the USA’s recent chaotic events, it’s doubtful that the Trump White House will be able to sell its war with Venezuela; first it would need to find a counter-narrative that overcomes this anti-imperialist consciousness shift.

Speaking truth to power alone won’t be enough to stop what the ruling class has planned; but the masses have been turning against the empire of their own accord, and this creates potential to organize them against the next anti-popular assaults. The purpose of using Parenti’s arguments against super-patriotism in the present moment is to galvanize this proto-revolutionary momentum, providing a way to bring the people into such collective efforts at defiance.

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The global workers struggle has changed, but the KKE’s camp doesn’t want to recognize this

Above: a rally by the participants in Venezuela’s Bolivarian revolution.

One of the most famous critiques by Michael Parenti is from Blackshirts and Reds, where he pointed out how the rejection of existing socialist projects objectively harms the working-class cause:

The pure socialists' ideological anticipations remain untainted by existing practice. They do not explain how the manifold functions of a revolutionary society would be organized, how external attack and internal sabotage would be thwarted, how bureaucracy would be avoided, scarce resources allocated, policy differences settled, priorities set, and production and distribution conducted. Instead, they offer vague statements about how the workers themselves will directly own and control the means of production and will arrive at their own solutions through creative struggle. No surprise then that the pure socialists support every revolution except the ones that succeed.

The KKE, Greece’s communist party, absolutely embodies this problem. It’s called socialist China an imperialist power, basing this narrative off of the “imperialist pyramid” theory where every country supposedly has imperialist tendencies. Even more consequently, it’s participated in the smear campaign against Maduro by Venezuela’s Trotskyists, promoting their lies about how Maduro has sold out the country’s workers. This betrayal has been so impactful because the KKE, through its efforts to fund numerous global communist formations, exercises influence over many of the world’s class-conscious workers. 

It’s because of the platform the KKE and its beneficiaries provided to the Trotskyist wreckers that their deceptions could be so effective; the anti-Maduro smears created a splinter within the global workers movement over the question of Venezuela, and crippled the Venezuelan communist party’s popularity. (Though the authentic militants within it have retaken control, and are building it back up.) So we know that by advancing the agenda of the “pure socialists,” the KKE has done very serious, material harm to the proletarian cause.

Yet at the same time that the KKE has launched these attacks against the socialist and anti-imperialist movements, it’s articulated the exact arguments which discredit the “pure socialist” view of class struggle. In its resource Theoretical Issues regarding the Programme of the Communist Party of Greece, the KKE said that

Any attempt to determine the character of revolution with criteria other than the ones that arise from the character of the era and the maturity of the material preconditions is not an objective one. In the Essay on the History of the KKE, volume 2, 1949-1968, there is the following reference:

 

“The character of the revolution, as the basic element of the strategy of a communist party that acts under the conditions of capitalist power, cannot be determined by the existing correlation of forces, but by the maturation of the material preconditions for socialism. The latter determines its necessity and timeliness. The minimum necessary degree of the maturation of the material preconditions exists even if the working class is a minority of the Working Age Population, from the moment that it becomes aware of its historic mission through the establishment of its Party. The social alliance of the working class with the popular strata and every form of its political expression ought to serve the strategic goal of working class power that expresses the interests of the majority of the people”[10]

 

It is important to stress that Lenin wrote “Under a false flag” in order to highlight the issue that if the proletariat in a specific historic period assumes duties that do not correspond to this specific historical era and mechanically transfers the experience from previous periods, then it cannot fulfil its contemporary duties, and will always be dragged behind the bourgeois class, placing itself under a false-for its own class interests- flag.

If the KKE understands this reality about how workers movements must not remain stagnant, and adapt to the conditions as they change, then why do the KKE and its connected groups attack the Bolivarian revolution? Why have they sided with the Trotskyist wrecker faction in Venezuela’s communist party, who base their entire argument off of applying an unfair standard to the revolutionary government? We know that these left-wing anti-Maduro actors have employed lies in order to make their case; a major tactic of theirs has been to omit the impacts that Washington’s sanctions are having, and foist the blame for the country’s crises on to Maduro. To spin this narrative, the KKE’s camp has needed to pretend as if Venezuela’s workers have different duties than the ones they do during the present era; that they aren’t facing the conditions which exist today.

It’s a weaponization of dogma for opportunistic purposes, where these ultra-left wreckers have cloaked the infantile nature of their analysis behind orthodox Marxist rhetoric. One aspect of the KKE’s argument against Bolivarianism is that Venezuela’s revolutionary leadership isn’t a Marxist-Leninist one; which actually reveals how the KKE’s camp isn’t truly Marxist-Leninist, because MLs do not care about people’s ideology. The thing we foremost care about is whether an individual or leader has been proving themselves as a positive contributor towards the class struggle, which is certainly true for Maduro; he is responsible for continuing to lead the people into mobilizing for armed defense against the hegemon, and no Trotskyist rhetoric can dispute this. 

Moreover, to attack Maduro is to attack the revolutionary masses of Venezuela; who, as the Venezuelan communist party’s president Henry Parra has said, are the ones behind the sacrifices that got Venezuela this far:

The difference that I may have with Comrade Maduro or with his government can never be put above the revolution, of us surrendering ourselves to imperialism, to the very same discourse of imperialism. We cannot hand this process to the right wing. We are forbidden to turn back, because what is at stake here is not only Venezuela, but Venezuela, Latin America and the world. Venezuela, like Cuba, is the hope of the insurgent people. This is an insurgent people, who have rebelled against the biggest and most powerful empire that humanity has ever known, US imperialism. A communist party cannot betray the actions of a people who have sacrificed themselves for such a cause. If anyone has sacrificed themselves in defending this revolution, it is not the leaders of the revolution, it is the people. They are the ones who have sacrificed and resisted.

On this basis alone, the KKE’s camp is in the wrong. To propagate the lies of the wrecker faction, and thereby create new fissures within the working-class movement for the sake of purity politics, is inherently a treacherous act. But the problem goes deeper than the anti-Maduro camp being purists; it’s not that they focus too much on secondary problems, it’s that they’ve fabricated a problem by depicting Maduro as “neoliberal.” In 2023, when the Trotskyist wreckers were starting to get majorly exposed, Thierry Deronne helped refute their core deceptions. Deronne pointed out how much Washington had continued waging war against the alleged neoliberal sellout government, which in reality was resisting neoliberalism harder as the aggressions mounted:

According to Venezuelan analyst William Serafino (2), if Maduro were a neoliberal, not only the state-owned company Petróleos de Venezuela, SA (PDVSA), but also the many state-owned enterprises such as the Caracas subway, electricity, telecommunications and water supply companies, to name a few, would already be in private hands. The current policies against corruption in the strategic spheres of the economy, the slow recovery of the productive apparatus–which is leading to better financing of the state through taxes on large companies, the reconstruction of public services deteriorated under the blockade, the transfer of non-US technology to circumvent the blockade, policies reinforced by the rebound in the price of oil and multipolar alliances, show the absurdity of the claim…If Nicolas Maduro had become a neoliberal, how can it be understood that the imperial harassment continues against him? The main characteristic of the Maduro government’s policy in the face of such economic warfare is that it has, on the contrary, resisted and rejected the formulas of privatization and abandonment of the population.

When the wreckers call the Bolivarian revolution neoliberal, they’re seeking to discredit the very idea of working-class politics in the modern era—and this applies not just to Venezuela, but to everywhere else where the workers are carrying out organic and effective struggles. The mentality of these dogmatic opportunists is to look at a country’s proletariat doing what it absolutely must do in order to survive imperialism’s attacks, and see this as betrayal because the proletariat isn’t acting as it would under past conditions (or the past conditions that the dogmatists imagine). Supporting the Soviet Union is an essential part of the KKE’s tradition, so it used to not play the role that it does today; yet because of the antagonistic turn that the party has taken, it can now only claim to uphold the USSR while distorting what existing socialism means. 

No revolutionary project would be able to succeed while following the criteria that the KKE has set, where even when a revolution resists capital harder, this is seen as capitulation. It’s a nonsensical position to take, and it would seem like a very strange thing for a historic ML party to do. But the KKE’s deterioration exposes a reality about how parties can fall into opportunism: when their ranks haven’t been given a consistently rigorous education, and aren’t encouraged to keep constantly investigating the conditions, they will be susceptible to opportunistic nonsense. All who seek to advance the workers movement must internalize this lesson.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Gaza, the 680,000 death estimate, and what it looks like to resist your own annihilation

Image from the PFLP.

The extermination campaign against Gaza’s people is the fulfillment of every anxiety about engineered depopulations, apocalypses, or environmental catastrophes that we’ve seen in recent times. It’s also proof that when a people have been put into this kind of seemingly hopeless scenario, they will find ways to fight back, and to ensure the demise of the powers behind their suffering. This is what we must always keep in mind, whatever news comes out of Gaza: the Palestinians are not beaten, and the example of their resistance can aid resistances all across the globe.

When many heard this last week that Gaza’s deaths have potentially reached around 680,000 (an estimate that was recently reported by Middle East Monitor), one reaction was to wonder how the survivors could come back from this. The scale of the crime is becoming clearer, and the world is unsure of how to process this. Those who side with the genocide’s perpetrators will of course say there’s no way this number could be real, yet when we think of the deaths from past imperialist wars, it seems quite plausible that the deaths are this high. This July, doctors Richard Hil and Gidein Polya wrote about how 680,000 is the number that’s consistent with Gaza’s population, and with what proportions of people tend to die in catastrophes comparable to this one:

The figure of 680,000 is derived from calculations based on other conflicts around the world. The UNHCR, Reword Global Law and Policy Database has found that the ratio of indirect deaths (non-violent deaths from imposed deprivation) to direct deaths (violent deaths) ranges from about two to 16 in a variety of wars in recent decades. Indeed, estimates of violent deaths and non-violent deaths from deprivation drawn from UN Population Division data, reveal direct deaths in the Iraq War (2003-2011) of 1.5 million and indirect deaths of 1.2 million, yielding a total of around 2.7 million deaths, a ratio of 1.5:1.2. The ratio of direct deaths/indirect deaths in the Afghan War (2001–2021) is estimated to be 0.4 million/6.4 million, that is deaths from deprivation 16 times the death toll of violent deaths…

Assuming that 33 per cent of the violent Gaza deaths were children, 21 per cent women and 46 per cent, men (according to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor), and that the same proportions obtain for the deprivation-based deaths of non-infant children, women and men, then the 680,000 Gazans killed by violence and imposed deprivation by 25 April 2025 included about 380,000 under-five-year-old infants, 479,000 children in total, 63,000 women and 138,000 men.

Another fact they point to is how multiple times, President Trump has referenced Gaza’s population as being “1.7 million,” a number that he logically would have gotten by being briefed on. This is more than half a million less than what Gaza’s population was two years ago, and only around a hundred thousand were able to leave Gaza in the early months after October 7. Whatever arguments the Zionists make for why Hil and Polya’s estimate is supposedly absurd, if anything it’s absurd to believe that Gaza is the exception to all these other instances of die-offs during humanitarian horrors. 

When the real extent of Zionism’s crimes is allowed to come out, this debate will be settled, but by then it will be too late. Which is why we need to use this time to assist the Palestinian people in their struggle against annihilation. One crucial part of how we do this is by continuing to keep Palestine in the center of the discourse. This is so important to emphasize because even within antiwar or dissident spaces, not everyone has been willing to agree that centering Palestine is necessary. 

The established left-wing organizations have been trying to build an “anti-Trump” protest movement, effectively tailing after the Democratic Party at the expense of the Palestinian cause. The parts of “alt” media that have been willing to give Trump the benefit of the doubt are also guilty of this; to make the argument that Trump is any kind of authentic anti-establishment actor, they’ve needed to omit the Trump White House’s efforts to accelerate Palestine’s extermination. In the political game, even the “dissident” parts of it, doing the principled thing is not what’s incentivized. 

This is part of why the pro-Palestine movement has so far failed to stop the holocaust that’s happening. We must combat this attitude of ambivalence towards focusing on Palestine, and we must do so through more methods than simply speaking truth to power. I advocate for centering Palestine as a means to an end, that end being the organization of the masses around materially weakening our imperial war machine.

Palestinians have been working to provide us with this kind of practical, organizational direction. In July, the Palestine General Confederation of Trade Unions put out a call for the world’s workers—particularly the workers in seafaring and in the ports—to have their unions obstruct the economic flow towards “Israel.” It’s this mission, where the producers and transporters of goods cut off the Zionist entity’s lifelines, that all our other pro-Palestine work must aid in. Bringing the pro-Palestine struggle into organized labor is absolutely essential to our cause’s success; it’s the step that can take the Boycott Divestment Sanctions movement to a new level, and give the globe’s workers key leverage. Leverage that the Palestinian people will share in, as the rebuilding of the world’s workers movement is intertwined with the gains of Palestine’s resistance.

In the countries which are leading the genocidal effort, the bulk of the masses already see that what’s being done to Gaza is a crime, and many more are now finding out about this crime’s full scope. The next phase is where they become familiar with the nature of the existential fight that Palestinians are waging, and what a fight like this entails. Which is where we within the movement must intervene in the discourse, and publicize the resistance actions that are being carried out. 

We must direct attention towards the ongoing successes in smoking the armed forces of the genocidal entity; towards the refusal by Gaza City’s people to be ethnically cleansed; towards the region’s broader armed resistance, which remains strong in both Yemen and Lebanon despite the recent efforts to terrorize these countries Gaza-style. If this struggle’s participants are kept connected to the fight that’s being waged by those who are at the center of the battles, no news is going to convince them that the fight is over. On all fronts, the struggle will keep finding members who are willing to do what’s necessary for this cause, as they’ll have a clearer picture of what needs to be done and how close we are to victory.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Nepal color revolution proves Trump has only intensified imperialist warfare, & expanded big tech’s reach

Above: U.S. armed forces on top of Nepal’s embassy

In the face of this anti-revolutionary Nepal coup, the message we must take away is that the enemies of the working class are stronger than many had imagined. The anti-imperialist and proletarian forces have been showing great strength, as demonstrated by this month’s display of unity by China and its partners. Yet the imperial hegemon has immediately been able to show its own kinds of strengths, which have in certain respects become more substantial relative to the recent past. I am talking about the refined destabilization tactics that Washington’s regime change apparatus has applied within Nepal, which was just subjected to destructive schemes that are more effective compared to past color revolutions.

For the many Americans who desire to break their country out of the imperial order, and who voted for Trump in the hope that he would advance this goal, Nepal shows that somebody like Trump is only going to intensify imperialist warfare. And for the peoples in all countries who’ve gone down a path of involving themselves in political struggle, the applicable lesson is that our class enemies will take advantage of any weaknesses within our organizations or movements.

In critiquing the ways that our movements have been run, my goal is not to blame Nepal’s revolutionary forces for what’s happened; there were real problems with Nepal’s communist leadership, but to say the communists brought this on themselves is to take responsibility away from the main actors in the socialist movement who deserve scrutiny. These actors being the opportunistic communist party leaders, mainly in the imperialist benefactor countries, who have thrown themselves in with the Greek KKE’s project at splintering the international workers movement. To combat the harm that this ideological current is doing, part of what we must do is reach the masses who’ve been scammed by opportunistic figures like Trump; because what these cynical movement leaders do, aside from attack countries that are resisting imperialism, is dismiss the bulk of the people as enemies.

All of these problems are connected, and all of them work to weaken the working class amid the aggressive maneuvers that international capital is carrying out. As long as the workers movement is driven by anti-popular, ultra-leftist ideas, the global proletariat will lack a sufficient defense against the insidious methods that their enemies employ. Methods which absolutely can be overcome, but are going to be extremely potent when the color revolution machine is allowed to act unimpeded.

Key to how the hegemon triumphed in Nepal was by manipulating the social media platforms to rally certain layers within society, and doing so with a level of efficiency that overwhelms the institutions these networks are targeting. An important indicator that the anti-imperialist forces were unprepared to sufficiently counter these maneuvers was how even among Marxist commentators who are generally good in their analysis, there was a lack of full awareness about the extent of U.S. involvement. 

Vijay Prashad’s assessment was that “If there was any external activity in the 2025 protests, it is more likely that India, and not the US, had a hand in the events.” He was only looking at part of the story, though; the larger context is that it’s U.S. tech companies which have been managing the flow of information within Nepal. And American big tech companies have long been confirmed to be controlled by U.S. intelligence. The Snowden leaks revealed that as part of the PRISM program, U.S. social media is a tool for Washington’s intelligence agencies to collect data in all countries where these companies have a presence.

This is the basis for color revolutions in the modern age: a global network where the empire’s intelligence centers surveil entire populations, then tailor their social media messaging to do the maximum damage towards the given targets. Moreover, in the case of Nepal the origins of the social unrest are directly tied in with the actions of these state-controlled American tech monopolies; these companies had refused to comply with Nepal’s registration law, and the reaction to this was a critical factor behind the ensuing “Gen Z rebellion.” Big tech had instigated a crisis, and used it to orchestrate the latest offensive in Washington’s hybrid war on BRICS.

This destabilization scheme by our tech overlords is part of a worldwide operation, one that the USA’s people are also being targeted by. And with the Trump White House’s project to build an Israeli-tied surveillance system through Palantir, many more Americans have become aware of these schemes in ways that they hadn’t already been. 

The masses in the empire’s core are seeing how our government will never respect our privacy, no matter which party is in power. How the machinations of the Zionist lobby are subverting our democracy, and preventing us from having a government that’s sovereign or even truly republican. How blackmail through pedophilic elite circles has been a key part of this control, and our leaders will do anything to try to steer the discourse away from realities like the Epstein story. Our imperial deep state is going to try to revive old culture war divisions within American society, and as part of this mission, it will keep staging violent incidents that are designed to bring about bitter political conflicts. The question is how many will take this bait, and react to these events by turning against their fellow Americans.

This is the form that color revolution ops have taken on within our own society. For the sake of all the working masses who are under attack from the empire, we must reject these manipulations, and redouble all efforts at building up the global workers movement. This is our only path forward: to truly prioritize the class struggle, which means combating all attempts to splinter the working masses.

The KKE left is one force that’s contributing to these anti-worker wrecking efforts. The Hitlerite far right and the Zionists are of course other such enemies, but their malicious intent towards the workers movement is at least obvious; the KKE hides behind revolutionary slogans, and has thereby succeeded in aiding Washington’s latest “revolutionary” destruction of a socialist project. Given this development, the workers movement is absolutely on the defensive; but we can study the tactics our enemies have used, and rally the masses around defeating their tech-based schemes.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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The USA’s terror campaign against its own people, & the anarcho-Nazi ideology that it’s using for this

The U.S. ruling class is working to normalize the kinds of violent chaos that we’ve recently been seeing, and Ukraine’s fascist movement provides the model for this scheme. This is how the imperial boomerang—where an empire’s methods of inflicting destruction abroad come to be used against the empire’s own people—is manifesting in the era of our new cold war. Like the weapons from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars were used to militarize U.S. police, the Nazi paramilitaries that our government backs in Ukraine are increasingly impacting our own society. And this blowback is happening in ways that few could have anticipated, even those of us who’ve been following U.S. foreign policies for a long time.

We are seeing the rise of an American Azovism, where our elites weaponize the anti-social elements within American society against the popular masses. The Azovites, the Nazi group that’s embedded within Ukraine’s armed forces, are part of a political current that fits well for the domestic ultraviolent mission our ruling class has undertaken. Because even though Azovism is of course far right, it’s at the same time compatible with the pro-imperialist actors who call themselves “progressive,” or even “socialist.” The left has been a major part of the political elements which support NATO’s proxy war on Russia; it’s in fact been the predominant pro-war faction of our era, when you consider how many conservatives have turned against not just NATO but also “Israel.” 

There are plenty of younger left-leaning people who’ve been becoming seriously pro-Palestine, but they’re not part of the particular ideological force that I’m referring to here; our ruling class views these people as some of its biggest threats, and its effort to weaponize leftism against the anti-imperialist cause is part of its response to this mass youth radicalization. 

The predominant role which has been served by the anarchist and other leftist movements during our era is one of attacking anti-imperialists from a “social justice” angle; and though these movements are no longer as relevant as they were in the Biden era, they’ve been coming to fuse with the forces the ruling class is now using as its main proxies. Those forces being the far-right, Azovite-adjacent actors which share ultra-leftism’s hostility towards the masses. The way this ideological merger has developed is that earlier this year, the Democrats started off the “dark woke” trend, whose purpose was to win back power for the “woke” side by any means necessary; then “dark woke” evolved into an amalgamation between leftism and the far right. 

When I use the words “anarchist,” “leftist,” and “Democrat” somewhat interchangeably, I do so with deliberation; these elements are distinct, yet they’re all being used to advance the same goals. Those goals being the sabotage of the popular workers movement, and the reinforcement of the narratives our government is employing to advance its third world war. 

These are the same purposes that the so-called “dissident right” serves, despite its posturing as something revolutionary. All of these forces represent the same mission to ensure capital’s victory over the workers, and to let the hegemon keep aggressing against the world’s people. Within this context, where anarchism and leftism have been so heavily utilized by the empire, whatever distinctions between them and the Democratic Party are not primarily relevant; functionally, they’re all within the same camp, which includes the far-right forces that Washington has made Ukraine into a hub for.

Between anarchism and Nazism in particular, there are overlaps that would seem surprising, but make sense when you understand the shared ways in which they’ve responded to certain historical contradictions. Anarchism is the historical basis for fascism; this is apparent in how the biggest fascist leaders got their views on what it means to be “revolutionary” from the anarchist aesthetic. This is an aesthetic which views the contradiction between the state’s interests, and the people’s interests, as something which fundamentally comes from a personal conflict. That sees the state as a personal thing, created purely for the conscious purpose of conspiring against the people, rather than what it actually is: the instrument through which a given ruling economic class maintains the present mode of production.

When you understand that the state is not a personal thing, and will inevitably continue to exist for as long as class distinctions exist, you can see why communists say the workers must create a state of their own. But both anarchism and fascism are opposed to this goal, because they share the perception that “liberation” can come from a personal struggle, and that we’ll only be “free” when we’ve upended all parts of the established order; not just capital, but every aspect of society. In essence, they view “justice” as only being attainable through the negation of order itself; which is an infantile form of rebellion. It comes from the mindset that because the world has wronged you in any real or perceived way, you need to take revenge against the world as a whole. This was the idea that drove Hitler, who naturally gravitated towards the narrative about entire races needing to be vanguished.

Anarchism itself is increasingly irrelevant in today’s activist circles. But Hitlerite ideas are right now being heavily boosted by the tech platforms that our ruling class controls, so communists like myself have taken up the strategy of exposing Hitlerism’s anarchist roots. When we show how Hitler came from one of the same leftist tendencies that the far right portrays itself as the response to, Hitlerite propaganda breaks down. 

This counter-propaganda campaign is one part of the struggle that we must wage in the present moment. Another thing we need to do is steer the righteous anger that the masses are feeling away from the “vengeance against the world” mindset; from the attitude that we need to expand our wrath indefinitely, and negate every part of what’s established. The enemy we need to focus on is monopoly finance capital; if we divert our attention away from it, the monopolists will keep winning.

A large part of the masses have concluded that the shooting of a healthcare executive in December 2024 was not a bad thing; and this development in the popular consciousnesses is a revolutionary event. That the Luigi movement has found support among the broad working class shows the bulk of the workers care about the right things; the overwhelming majority of them don’t join with PMC liberals in cheering on every act of political violence, but unlike the PMC, they understand just how much of a foe the monopolists are. These workers are looking for direction on how to defeat this foe; direction which only the proletarian movement can provide.

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Palestine’s armed resistance is the center of the anti-Zionist struggle, & our movement must treat it as such

Image from Edinburgh University Justice for Palestine Society

After last year’s U.S. election, the two most prominent organizations within Palestine’s resistance put out statements which showed that they have faith in the American masses. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine said: “We see in the popular and student movements that stand in solidarity with Gaza, along with the emergence of small, free voices and parties, a glimmer of hope that could contribute to even a slight change in the U.S. stance on our cause.” Hamas said: “The elected U.S. President is urged to heed the voices that have risen from within U.S. society itself for more than a year since the zionist aggression on Gaza, rejecting occupation and genocide and objecting to support and bias toward the zionist entity.”

It has now been almost a year since Palestine’s freedom fighters made this appeal towards the American people, almost two years since the Zionist entity accelerated its genocide to an unprecedented degree, and 77 years since the effort to eradicate Palestine’s people began with the founding of so-called “Israel.” In terms of the rate of destruction and death that Palestinians are experiencing, the situation is worse than it’s ever been. Yet in terms of the worldwide popular movement against Palestine’s colonization, there is more strength than ever. 

The state of these global pro-Palestinian forces isn’t quite as important as the state of the Palestinian resistance itself, but the resistors in Gaza have treated our efforts as critical to their own success. They know that the more our work succeeds, the more lives will be saved, which is just as important as the strategic military success of the struggle. Those who are operating in the heart of this fight have recognized our significance within the project to end Zionism; and it’s time that we reorient our movement so that it recognizes the importance of Palestine’s armed resistance.

An organization or individual does not need to break the laws of their country in order to advance this position of principled solidarity. Our government classifies the Palestinian resistance forces as terrorist orgs, which is a practical reality that constrains us. However, there is a commonsense procedure for avoiding unnecessary risks, while maintaining a consistent solidarity stance: never give in to the pressure to condemn the resistance, while centering one’s practice around the Boycott Divestment Sanctions movement. Working to economically isolate the genocidal entity is the best and only practical way that we can weaken this entity on a material level, and thereby save lives while bringing the resistance closer to victory.

This necessity for advancing BDS is something that’s recognized by every political actor who seriously desires an end to Zionism. A problem the movement faces, though, is that even among BDS supporters there isn’t a consensus on supporting the resistance. Somebody can easily have the best of intentions, while still being confused about which sides in this conflict deserve our support. There’s a widespread belief within dissident spheres that the armed resistance coalition is a tool for the occupier, and that its actions are false flags. This is an error in analysis that we absolutely must combat, or else the pro-Palestine struggle will remain needlessly weakened on both an ideological and practical level. 

When you have anti-Zionists who fail to back the resistance, this makes it all the more easy for the “soft” Zionists to undermine the Palestinian movement, and draw it away from meaningful practices like BDS. Blanket “false flag” narratives have this effect by rendering our movement blind towards the material factors driving the resistance actions, which by default gives the Zionists an opening. After this week’s Palestinian shooting attack in occupied Jerusalem, Within Our Lifetime’s founder Nerdeen Kiswani said about the idea that the attack was staged: “Calling every act of Palestinian resistance a ‘false flag’ undermines the struggle. Resistance is a right under international law, and Palestinians have every reason to resist occupation. Dismissing it as staged erases both that right and the conditions that make it inevitable.”

In the case of the Jerusalem shooting, the people who have this mindset about the resistance were able to point to something which seemed to back up their position: the fact that Netanyahu was supposed to testify, but then couldn’t after the incident. And it’s understandable that somebody would connect these two things, but when one has the larger context around what national liberation struggle means, it looks more believable that the incident did indeed occur organically. The same applies to the October 7 operation; many have speculated that October 7 was deliberately enabled by Netanyahu’s government, but it absolutely represented an authentic and strategically beneficial act by a resistance coalition. This is true regardless of the ways the Zionist entity has exploited that event.

To understand why Within Our Lifetime’s current in the pro-Palestine movement rejects the “false flag” analysis on the resistance, you must consider that 1) the people in power will always do their best to take advantage of any crisis, and 2) Palestine is a place in which it makes total sense for organic armed resistance to emerge. There are plenty of observers from outside of Palestine who look at armed actions that the Zionist entity’s leadership exploits, and conclude that because these acts by the oppressed have been exploited, this must mean these acts are either false flags or strategic mistakes.

This is where liberal pacifism and reformism can arise: from an attitude that’s dismissive towards all revolutionary methods which are violent (or at least “violent” in the sense that they use force to defend against the oppressor’s violence). According to the worldview of the anti-resistance camp, as soon as the oppressors make any move to counter the resistance efforts of their victims, this is proof in itself that these victims have fought back the wrong way. 

Something we need to learn from the actions of the Palestinian resistance, as well as from acts of class resistance like last year’s vigilante attack on a healthcare CEO, is that events have a life of their own. When a resistance act occurs, its effects are not isolated to the reactions from the aggressors and oppressors; when an act has the right strategic calculation behind it, it will create ripple effects that the oppressors can’t control, and that advance the progress of the revolutionary forces. October 7’s Operation Al Aqsa Flood has brought the Zionist entity to unprecedented economic and military disaster, making Zionism’s end that much closer. It’s also galvanized the pro-Palestine struggle, parallel to how the healthcare CEO incident has galvanized America’s working-class revolutionary momentum. 

There are many strategic and tactical lessons to be gained from these stories. But we’ll only benefit from them if we recognize the given events as organic revolts, and see the positive developments that have come from them. Otherwise we’ll blind ourselves during some of the most critical moments in the pro-Palestine struggle, and in the workers struggle that it’s intertwined with.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.