The Zionist right, the part of our ruling class that wants to destroy Tucker Carlson’s party, is the same one which facilitated Epstein’s operations. We know this both from surface-level behaviors by these Zionists (like when Ted Cruz slipped up and said we need to “stop attacking pedophiles”), and the direct connections, like when the founder of Yale’s Talmudic Shabtai Society gave Epstein a tour of IDF training sites. It’s these kinds of facts that have already radicalized millions of former Trump supporters towards rejecting the duopoly, which is an objectively revolutionary development. The question is what role Tucker and his organization will play in the next phase of the class war.
According to Mao, national bourgeois figures like Tucker are capable of coming to the revolutionary side, and the events we’ve seen in the last half-decade have indeed brought Tucker’s section of MAGA into conflict with the biggest elements of capital. We’ve entered the stage in which Mao said the proletarian movement needs to work with the national bourgeoisie:
The national bourgeoisie is a class which is politically very weak and vacillating. But the majority of its members may either join the people's democratic revolution or take a neutral stand, because they too are persecuted and fettered by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. They are part of the broad masses of the people but not the main body, nor are they a force that determines the character of the revolution. However, because they are important economically and may either join in the struggle against the United States and Chiang Kai-shek or remain neutral in that struggle, it is possible and necessary for us to unite with them…
Quite a few of them sided with the reaction under Chiang Kai-shek. But one must not on this account think that we should not have tried during that period to win over the national bourgeoisie politically or to protect it economically, or that our ultra-Left policy towards the national bourgeoisie was not adventurist. On the contrary, in that period our policy should still have been to protect the national bourgeoisie and win it over so as to enable us to concentrate our efforts on fighting the chief enemies.
We have a good sense of where anti-Zionist MAGA fits in our present class conflict, compared to where these renegade Chinese capitalists fit into China’s revolution. The bourgeoisie who are leading or joining with the conservative anti-Zionist movement have sided against our primary enemies, those being the global monopoly capitalists and the members of the Epstein network. By doing so, they’ve come into conflict with many of their fellow national bourgeoisie, because there are large parts of domestic U.S. capital that fall within this network; in fact, it’s these domestic capitalists who represent the core of Epstein’s particular pedophilic murder operation.
Those within the “globalist” wing of capital have their own pedophile networks, drawing human trafficking victims from European countries like Belgium and the Netherlands as well as from across the Global South. These were the networks that had already been established for centuries prior to when Epstein became an upstart in the world of child sex trafficking, and took on a role of assisting domestic American capital. Epstein was of course tied in with Israel, but there was a distinction between his circle and the “globalists.” It was the globalist wing of the ruling class, represented by the old guard Democrats and their neocon GOP allies, that believed it would be strategically beneficial to release the January 2026 Epstein dump; as long as this data would mainly incriminate Trump’s circle, and leave out most of the secrets about organized global pedophilia, they knew that it wouldn’t endanger the pedocracy.
We often talk as if there are only two wings in the ruling class, but inside the major wings there are more sub-sections. Within the domestic sector of capital, there’s now a conflict between the national bourgeoisie who want to cut off U.S. aid to Israel, and the Zionist national bourgeoisie who are aligned with Epstein. At this stage, nothing threatens the Epsteinites more than the prospect of an organized opposition towards their agenda from inside the conservative movement itself. And they’ll take whatever measures necessary to try to destroy such an organizing project; we’re seeing the indications of this right now, as the Zionist right ramps up its online astroturf smear campaign against Tucker.
We should enter a united front with Tucker’s party and defend it from Epsteinite attacks, like Mao said communists should have defended China’s national bourgeoisie. We can do this while recognizing that Tucker’s section of the national bourgeoisie still isn’t truly separate from the establishment. It represents the part of the establishment that’s inclined to be skeptical of NATO and Israel, due to the ways that these forces have impeded certain parts of U.S. domestic capital; these parts of capital still want to subdue China, but they see that Israel and Ukraine take away from this effort.
A way we can counter this view is by pointing out that China’s success is in the interests of the American nation, like it’s in our nation’s interests for Palestine or Russia to be left alone; as America can only thrive on the basis of inter-civilizational cooperation. This perspective could win over members of the domestic bourgeoisie, and we should try to bring them towards such a position like we are with the broader American masses. The domestic capitalists who want China to lose have a class-based reason for believing what they do, though, and we won’t fully win over all of them. What we can do is create as big of a united front as possible, maximizing the stresses upon the capitalist structure while building up our own power as workers.
The ultra-left adventurists throughout history have rejected such united fronts because when they see the potential pitfalls in allying with capital’s lower levels, their impulse is to run in the opposite direction. This level of fear is not necessary, as long as we know to go into the working masses and gain independent working-class strength alongside the united front. When we decide to align ourselves with the working masses first and foremost, rather than staying isolated like the ultra-lefts inevitably do, we’re in position to take advantage of the opportunities within inter-capitalist conflicts.
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