As the imperialists threaten all of humanity, we must learn from the Russian people’s determination to fight back

This is a moment of unfathomable peril, maybe more dangerous than any other time in history; but it provides us with a crucial lesson. It shows that if we want to survive, and win the fight for humanity’s future, we’ll need to understand there’s no appeasing the enemy we face. That any requests for the enemy’s mercy will only make it attack with more viciousness. The only language it understands is the language of the counter-attack, and the only way to be free from its violence is by making sure it can no longer operate. This applies to the geopolitical fight; to the national liberation struggle waged by the Palestinians and others; and to the broader class war. We all must internalize that there’s no compromise with a force which isn’t interested in peace; the sole way forward is to commit to the fight, whatever the costs. Because for as severe as the price of resistance may be, it can never be as big as the price of giving the enemy no consequences.

This is the reality that Russia is facing with the USA’s deciding to use long-range missiles for attacks inside Russian territory. When the U.S. used Ukraine to strike into Russia, the best way for Russia to prevent nuclear confrontation was by carrying out a massive strike upon Ukraine. That’s the view of inspector Scott Ritter, who’s said that he normally doesn’t favor violent solutions, but in this case sees such an action as the best method for avoiding nuclear war. “NATO only acts on weakness, the perception of weakness,” Ritter has observed.

A major non-nuclear strike has been Russia’s only sensible option because if Washington isn’t shown that Russia’s threats are serious, then it will launch ever-bigger attacks against Russia, which will force Russia to retaliate on a proportional scale. That would make a nuclear exchange all the more likely. Russia acting earlier on is the scenario where the deaths get minimized. And today, Russia did just that; it launched its new Oreshnik medium-range missile at Ukraine, conveying the essential message of warning. Whether that warning is enough to stop the aggressors from pursuing bigger attacks, we have yet to find out. The danger has not gone away; U.S. media headlines have falsely called the Oreshnik missile an “intercontinental ballistic missile,” a psyop that’s clearly meant to manufacture support for new escalations. But Russia has shown the political will to retaliate when the circumstances call for this. 

This action wasn’t unexpected from the perspective of the United States; by escalating, Washington was hoping to ensure that the war would continue, locking the Trump administration the conflict and keeping Europe on Washington’s side. The joke is on the imperialists, though, because the war lasting longer is not going to make them win the war. It will only further exacerbate the imperial system’s collapse, as the rest of the conflict has done. Even when Russia does what Washington hopes for it to do, Russia wins; as long as a counter-attack is measured, rather than flailing or indecisive, progress gets made towards bringing about imperialism’s final defeat. If Russia had reacted to this provocation by becoming paralyzed, and refusing to take any action, that would have all but ensured our doom; but instead it’s replied to Washington by saying “okay, I’ll play.” And it will without any doubt win this game.

These events almost exactly mirror the situation Iran has found itself in amid the Zionist entity’s strike against an Iranian nuclear facility, which happened almost a month ago. This was supposed to be Iran’s red line; that was communicated by the anti-imperialist political element within Iran’s government. But Iran still hasn’t retaliated, either for this crime or for last month’s other Zionist aggressions, because Iran’s capitulationist forces have too much control. These U.S.-friendly reformers have lost the cultural debate; their “ceasefire deal” with Netanyahu was fully exposed as fraudulent when the enemy murdered Nasrallah. Iran’s people have increasingly been turning against the reformers, and supporting Khamenei in his efforts to steer the country towards serious resistance. But the reformers maintain enough influence to hold back progress. 

By perpetuating this inaction, and starting on an effort to make friends with the new Trump administration, the reformers are sending the message that Iran’s enemies can aggress against it with impunity. The only thing the aggressors understand is force, so in the absence of that force, they’re now likely wondering how big of an attack they can get away with. Unless the Trump team intends to keep Netanyahu on a leash, which all signs show it doesn’t, its plan is in all likelihood to create a faux-reconciliation deal; one that gives an opening for unprecedented assaults upon Iran’s infrastructure, research centers, and civilians.

The reformers are such a stubborn problem largely because of the country’s class relations. Iran’s economy hasn’t yet been nationalized enough for the power balance to fully shift in favor of the proletariat, and therefore in favor of the hardliners. As of now, Iran doesn’t have a war economy, since neoliberal policies have been able to undo many of the Islamic revolution’s worker gains. The proletariat doesn’t have enough leverage, so those who seek to appease the U.S. empire and the “Israeli” Nazi entity can operate as if their position is the pragmatic one. 

Russia’s story shows that there’s hope for Iran’s anti-imperialist struggle; post-Soviet Russia was once a U.S. client state with a fully neoliberalized economy. Then Putin’s government came into being, and realized that unless it started acting in the people’s interests, the existing state wouldn’t be able to sustain itself. To survive, the bourgeois government needed to act more like the Soviet Union. Russia hasn’t become socialist again, but it’s increasingly been on the path back to socialism, and this has greatly weakened U.S. power. 

When Putin gave the following statement about the Oreshnik missile launch, he spoke to the Russian people’s desire for defeating imperialism and fascism; which was what pushed Putin to start the Ukraine operation in the first place:

We are testing the Oreshnik missile system in combat conditions in response to the aggressive actions of NATO countries against Russia. The question of further deployment of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles will be decided by us depending on the actions of the United States and its satellites. The targets to be hit during further tests of our newest missile systems will be determined by us based on threats to the security of the Russian Federation. We consider ourselves entitled to use our weapons against the military facilities of those countries that allow Ukraine to use their weapons against our facilities, and in the event of an escalation of aggressive actions, we will respond just as decisively and in a mirror image. I recommend that the ruling elites of those countries that have plans to use their military contingents against Russia also think about this seriously.

Russia’s philosophy of self-defense hasn’t come to dominate on all fronts of the global anti-imperialist struggle. Those in Iran who understand what Russia does have yet to fully defeat the liberal appeasers; and there are plenty of ostensibly “communist” or “anti-imperialist” organizations that do the equivalent of what these appeasers do. Opportunism, reformism, illusions about being able to avoid state repression through compromises; these illnesses pervade so much of “socialist” politics. We all must take example from Russia’s anti-imperialists, who’ve chosen the only path that lets you defeat a determined foe.

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When the left abandoned Uhuru, CPI stood by it. We must take example from this as repression intensifies.

Above: Caleb Maupin with two members of the African People’s Socialist Party

The Center for Political Innovation has done something that everyone involved in dissident politics needs to take example from: consistently stand with those who are getting targeted by the state. In 2022, when the African People’s Socialist Party (or Uhuru) got raided for supposedly facilitating Russian interference, virtually none of the left put any effort into aiding Uhuru’s struggle against persecution. And even some of the orgs that claimed to support Uhuru later ended up acting against it. But the CPI has been reliable in helping defend the victims of this assault on liberty; it’s CPI that’s done everything possible to platform Uhuru’s statements, report on the case, and mobilize people towards helping get the charges dropped. This is a major part of why I joined CPI: it’s done the right thing at an extremely crucial moment, seriously resisting the government’s efforts to criminalize antiwar organizing.

Though the CPI no longer identifies as a communist organization, and I’m still a communist, I also think communists in this country can learn a valuable lesson from this story. The task of defending Uhuru isn’t something that can get someone money or significant online attention, but it’s nevertheless been a thing we’ve needed to do. Because Uhuru isn’t trendy, essentially none of the left has been willing to help it; the dominant “socialist” orgs are only interested in whatever will narrowly benefit them. But standing with persecution targets is a necessity, both morally and practically. If we neglect the fight against repression, the state is going to be in place to purge us all. What does it tell you that non-communists are now the ones most willing to defend communists from this repression?

We’ve been lucky that the FBI’s case against Uhuru fell apart within court this September, and the accused Uhuru members weren’t found guilty of conspiring with Russia. They’re still at risk of jail time because the court convicted them for “conspiracy,” but they have a good chance in the appeals process, and a precedent hasn’t been set to criminalize anti-imperialist work. This is in part because of the work from the few who’ve been there for these activists.

As our government gets ready to enact a bipartisan plan for criminalizing Palestine supporters, we need to get a clearer sense of who our friends are. When I was part of the conventional leftist sphere, I was hostile to CPI, because I operated within the social circles that have shunned it. The people around me were all repeating a certain narrative, so I didn’t question that narrative. Then the Ukraine conflict escalated, and I saw how urgent it is for us to build an anti-imperialist united front. Because CPI truly stands with Uhuru, and my old partnered org the PSL has barely focused on it, I found my cause’s real allies.

I looked more into what exactly the differences were between my old circles, and this new one I had found. You might think they’d be compatible; CPI’s four-point plan is something that would likely appeal to anyone who considers themselves a socialist, with the goals being to rebuild the country, have public control over resources, have public control over banking, and create an economic bill of rights. But something that the hegemonic left orgs aren’t willing to do is outwardly profess a desire for growth, for actively building up our industry. And CPI is explicit in wanting growth, because it’s not concerned with fitting the liberal environmentalist image. The idea behind CPI has always been to advance the struggle against monopoly capital in whatever ways prove necessary; that’s where the org’s founder, Caleb Maupin, was coming from when he went on this independent path. Like me, Caleb used to operate within a conventional left org (World Workers Party), and he also was then compelled to help build an alternative to this failed old model.

Since CPI was created four years ago, it’s succeeded in constructing something that can inspire people. It’s created a community where people can lean onto each other, and from this community has come many operations that steer the discourse away from liberal hegemony. An in-person effort to confront Taiwan’s president for instigating tensions with China; timely responses towards imperialist provocations, like this January’s day of action against the bombing of Yemen; distributing literature about our pro-growth perspective to Libertarians and MAGA supporters; these are some of the things the org has done. And it’s undeniably superior to what orgs like PSL have to offer, because whereas those orgs tail behind the masses, our camp takes on an active role. We bring forth the agenda of growth, rather than simply decrying the present system in a general sense while reinforcing anti-growth ideas. 

An example of this difference is in how we support nuclear energy, while the bulk of the left is dogmatically against it; to represent the people’s interests, you need to support practical energy solutions. And though CPI is not a party and therefore won’t have a vanguard role, it is an educational project, one that can guide those who may attain state power. To get this power in the first place, one needs to side with the people, which means supporting growth.

Our social climate is increasingly in a place that allows us to make our case to be people, and be well-received. This country is experiencing a political reorientation, where as the Democratic Party shifts ever-further in a neocon direction, the opponents of liberals become the ones who promote antiwar ideas. We’re no longer in the old paradigm where liberals pretended to be antiwar, while consistently advancing imperialism; the pro-imperialist nature of liberals has become unconcealed. So the negation to liberalism is largely manifesting in the form of conservatives who hate neocons. As an organization that seeks to advance anti-imperialism no matter what, the CPI is responding to this by working to reach that disillusioned element. It’s working to build this connection using the label of “innovationism,” with the idea being to convey an agenda of development for our economy. And as the CPI continues with its process of organizationally re-launching, I expect it to pick up more people; especially the types of MAGA supporters who like Tulsi Gabbard, the most relatively antiwar figure within Trump’s circle.

I’ve voiced my concerns about the things that could come about from the Trump cabinet’s pro-Zionist aspects, particularly when it comes to the domestic counterinsurgency. And Caleb Maupin has talked about this part of our situation, saying: “There is so much control over anything Republican by Zionists…it’s gonna be complicated. I’m not telling people we should expect Donald Trump’s presidency is gonna be amazing. It’s gonna be an uphill battle, because there’s gonna be all kinds of different forces pushing on him. But I feel like we have a lot more of an opportunity to push good policies under Trump, we have the opportunity to intervene.” 

When the neocons try to block Gabbard from becoming national intelligence director, the CPI will be there to intervene against these political policing efforts. And whenever Trump strays from his mandate for bringing peace, we’ll be there to hold him accountable. If the policies don’t change from this, then that accountability will instead produce an outcome where MAGA is weakened, and more of the MAGA crowd starts looking for new answers. We’re ready to welcome these people into our circle with warmth and respect; and as this process continues, we’ll build a collective political home. One that stands apart from the pro-imperialist toxicity of the liberals, and of the modern left.

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Empire seeks to use anti-woke psyop to purge Palestine supporters, advance genocide & world war

Donald Trump was elected because of a mass desire to combat the liberal establishment; now that establishment seeks to partner with Trump in suppressing dissent. And Trump’s team is glad to collaborate in this task. Because for all the things that the different wings of our ruling class disagree on, their big points of agreement are in maintaining the colonial economic order, and crushing all domestic forces which threaten this order. The bipartisan plan is to increasingly criminalize pro-Palestine sentiment, and to instigate a proxy war with the chief threat towards imperial exploitation: China. The imperialists are desperate to avoid getting kicked out of Asia, so they’re expanding their genocide in west Asia while seeking a new big war in the far east. And the primary narrative tool that they’ll use to justify these crimes is the anti-woke psyop, where Palestine gets portrayed as a “woke” concern that’s stoked by Chinese interference.

The Trump faction and the liberal monopolist faction are increasingly at odds. And we’ll likely soon see them have a major confrontation over the foreign policy questions on which they diverge; the dominant wing of the security state seeks to prevent Tulsi Gabbard or Matt Gaetz from getting approved, because both these figures are against funding Ukraine. If they get their expected cabinet positions, though, the plan will be to use them for advancing the counterinsurgency in the United States. 

Though they’re not ideal from the deep state’s perspective, their role within the discourse makes them useful to this task in certain ways. Like Trump, they’ve positioned themselves as fighters against wokeness. As leaders who can help defeat the arrogant liberal technocracy that’s obsessed with censorship, and that seeks to further degrow our economy in the name of “progress.” Because Gaetz and Gabbard oppose monopoly capital on certain issues, their participation in the campaign to silence dissent will be easier to ignore; and the conservatives who’ve been misled about Palestine will assume they’re simply going after terrorists.

This is the view the deep state aims to propagate as our government advances its plans for deporting pro-Palestine foreign students, and for classifying pro-Palestine groups as terrorist organizations. Our ruling class needs people to remain unaware that Palestine is a country fighting for its freedom, and think of “Palestinian” as a synonym for “terrorist.” The goal is to convince the MAGA base that the pro-Palestine movement is nothing more than a scam financed by the liberal monopolists, like the Black Lives Matter organization was. This is the only way that the Trump White House’s perpetuation of the war machine, and violations of constitutional liberties, can be seen as things which help the anti-monopoly cause. It’s how Palestine can be framed as a culture war issue, when in reality it’s a struggle that transcends left or right; that transcends all divisions among humanity. The Palestine question is a simple matter of whether every person deserves to live and be free; but the empire’s propagandists are constantly working to obscure this.

Most of the USA’s people have already realized that the military action in Gaza is not justified, which places the solid supporters of the “Israeli” Nazi entity in the minority; though most don’t yet understand the military action is a genocide, they see that it’s wrong. There’s even a strong element of anti-Zionist sentiment on the right, one that could grow bigger. This is why in addition to the psyops which paint “Israel” as a righteous force that’s “only defending itself,” there are psyops which try to divert anti-Zionist sentiments towards “Jewish question” conspiracy thinking. This is the discourse role that Gaetz  fills, despite his voting record showing almost fully consistent support for “Israel.” He’s the type of pro-Zionist who does things like promote Holocaust deniers, and say the Jews killed Jesus; which benefits “Israel” in an indirect way, because Zionism’s “Jews are only safe in Israel” argument has always depended on anti-Jewish bigotry.

The narrative managers can work with these things; they can nurture the most reactionary aspects of the Trump White House, using them to undermine and repress the pro-Palestine movement. If approved, Gabbard will be the Director of National Intelligence, which is a job that involves giving intel briefings to the president; and Gabbard’s idea about the Gaza protesters being radical Islamist puppets makes her inclined to believe false terrorism accusations against Palestine supporters. Gaetz has been picked as Attorney General, meaning he would be in place to shape the law towards further criminalizing dissent. The security state wishes that these figures shared the Atlanticist worldview; but should they get such governmental positions, there will be a plan ready to sway them towards assisting in the domestic purge.

This is the possibility that we need to prepare for: figures on the right who’ve tactically benefited us in the anti-NATO struggle taking on highly damaging roles, and facilitating the persecution of anti-imperialists. They’ll also absolutely advance the war against China. The Palestine question was always going to come to the forefront, and now that it has, it could bring about a major betrayal from those who’ve opposed NATO while still backing “Israel.”

Then there’s the effect that Trump’s loyalty to “Israel” will have on his wider foreign policy. Will Trump’s White House truly de-escalate in Ukraine and Korea, like Trump has said he will? It depends on where the balance of forces will be during his presidency. At this moment, they’re not at a place that’s conducive to peace within these places. The Trump team’s “peace” proposal towards Russia consists of a request for Russia to stop making any further progress in the war, letting the Kiev Banderite regime hold on to territories that Russia would liberate otherwise. This is the kind of plan someone creates when they just want to be able to say “I plan to bring peace.”

If Trump continues the escalations with Russia, it will be consistent with his Russia policies from last time; the only country that he de-escalated with in his first term was the DPRK, which is why there’s at least a better chance of peace in Korea. All the other parts of Trump’s foreign policy could undermine this, though. Will Trump be able to make friends with the DPRK while he’s intensifying the genocide against Palestine, continuing to treat Russia as an enemy, and acting more aggressively towards China than ever? Ukraine and October 7 have made the world even more geopolitically polarized than it was during Trump’s first term; and on every active front in our geopolitical conflict, the DPRK is on the opposite side of Trump. On top of this, Trump is now hoping to create another direct military confrontation in Taiwan, right to the DPRK’s south. 

My concern is not that Trump will bring fatal destruction upon China, because China is even better prepared to win a proxy war than Russia was. Given China’s overwhelming strength, it even has a good chance of successfully deterring Washington. My primary concern is that the empire will manage to murder hundreds of thousands more Palestinians, and from this comes my second biggest concern: that our imperial state will crush the domestic anti-imperialist movement. To win our fight, and thereby let the Palestinians win their fight faster, we need to account for the reality that extreme repression is imminent. Even as the conflicts within the ruling class intensify, the counterinsurgency is going to turn increasingly aggressive and deadly. We’ll be able to take advantage of these divisions, and the related mass discontent, if we can ensure our organizations survive what’s coming.

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Russia & China’s victories have opened up new fronts in the class war. Prepare for another revolutionary wave.

China’s economic victories against the United States, and Russia’s own strategic triumphs, have provided lessons for anti-imperialists all around the globe. They’ve shown that the only way to gain dignity, sovereignty, and prosperity is by committing to the struggle against the hegemon. Those who fail to internalize this reality will doom themselves; while those who recognize it will become part of the cooperative and abundant future which multipolarity is letting societies build.

An unfortunate reality about this moment is that not all of the BRICS countries are under the full control of elements which intend to commit to anti-imperialism. India is overall U.S.-aligned; Brazil is led by the imperial asset Lula; and Iran hasn’t yet won the internal struggle against its liberal element. Iran’s president Pezeshkian, who was able to come to power because of how many hardliners had been assassinated, is now trying to build a friendship with the second Trump administration. There are some who will act like this is a good thing, but it’s absolutely not. The Pezeshkian faction’s “peace” effort is a cover for sidelining the Khamenei faction, and fully putting the country under the control of imperialist collaborators. 

These pro-capitulation reformers, despite having lost much of their influence since the Nasrallah assassination, hope that through Trump they can get their wish for reinstating the Iran nuclear deal. This is how they want to respond to the Zionist entity’s attack on an Iranian nuclear facility, an action which was supposed to cross Iran’s red line; the reformers seek to again make the country constricted in how it can pursue its defense. Which would let the “Israeli” Nazi state commit aggressions against Iran without any serious punishment. It’s still possible that Khamenei will get his desired retaliation against “Israel,” but I believe this will depend on whether Iran’s people again take to the streets to demand action; and that shows Khamenei doesn’t have as much power as he should. If the balance of forces was where it ought to be, this momentum would be able to come from within the state itself.

The only way that Iran could become in place for fighting a serious war against the Nazi state is if it takes Russia’s path, and enacts major nationalizations; because as of now, Iran’s economy is too neoliberalized for it to be able to absorb a major conflict. Russia has shown everyone what must be done; but there are actors, like Pezeshkian, who pretend to align with the anti-imperialist fight while seeking appeasement at every opportunity.

It’s necessary for anti-imperialists everywhere to point out these issues Iran’s revolution must overcome, for the same reason that more communists should have been decrying Gorbachev’s liberal policies before he could destroy the Soviet countries. We can’t ignore the reality that history has a real chance of repeating itself in Iran; our takeaway from this, though, must not be doomerism but rather an invigoration of our fighting will. We must find where the sources of hope are, and nurture that hope. Nobody can directly contribute to the liberation movements outside their own countries, but we can all strengthen ties with the international forces which are fighting our collective anti-imperialist fight.

With Iran, we should help steer the discourse in favor of Khamenei’s faction; part of this means combating the arguments of the ultra-leftists whose main focus is on overthrowing Iran’s Islamic government, when this objectively helps the neoliberal capitulationists. Beyond Iran, there are other forces in the same region that deserve our attention and support; forces that I wasn’t even thinking about until quite recently, because the things they’re doing are harder to notice. But they are having an effect, and may prove instrumental in defeating the U.S./Zionist menace. They could also be important catalysts in the coming new wave of revolutions.

These forces are the Turkish workers, and the others who are in place to resist Erdogan’s effort at re-creating the Ottoman empire. I’m not talking about the Kurdish fascist YPG, or the “communist” parties within Turkey that set themselves up against Russia and China. I’m talking about the elements that support their government’s efforts to join BRICS, while also being willing to militantly resist Erdogan’s economic assistance to the Gaza genocide. There are many among the Turkish masses who’ve been rebelling in this way; last month, when it was revealed that the government had been secretly continuing business with “Israel,” Turks raided the port where goods were being shipped to the Zionist entity. It’s the same impulse that recently led Turks to assail U.S. troops in the streets of Izmir; there isn’t a cohesive organizational force behind it, but it’s a threat to both Erdogan and the hegemon. 

The imperialists hope to divert the popular opposition towards Erdogan in a NATO-compatible direction, and ensure that if the present government falls, it will be followed by one that’s anti-BRICS. Washington may even advance Erdogan’s neo-Ottoman vision independently of Erdogan himself; when “Israel” dies, the hegemon is going to need a new proxy in west Asia. 

This is the outcome that Washington’s hybrid warfare network hopes to bring about in many countries: revolutions which only end up installing more loyal U.S. puppets. But if the present trends continue, a new series of proletarian victories is instead what will come next. In 2019, Indian Marxist Saikat Bhattacharya concluded that a new wave of revolutions is approaching, and the events we’ve since witnessed have been consistent with his expectations:

The situation is turning ripe for the Third Wave of revolutions across the globe. The First Wave was from the French Revolution to Paris Commune (1789-1871) and Second Wave from Bolshevik Revolution to end of Sandinista Revolution of Nicaragua (1917-1979). The gap between the First and Second waves was marked by the transformation of competitive productive capitalism to monopoly productive capitalism…The gap between the Second and Third waves are marked by the transformation of monopoly productive capitalism, to monopoly financial capitalism and the national supply chain is replaced by the global supply chain…If another crisis hits the US economy which is highly likely, the US financial market will be even less important in driving the global demand. Socialist model of Chinese Globalisation 2.0 will start to dominate. Strategists say that China can already defeat the USA in the Indo-Pacific theatre and by 2025, the Chinese navy will be strong enough to flush out the US navy from the Indo-Pacific region. It is then that US soft powers will start to evaporate and many countries across the globe will fall into crisis.

The process of imperial collapse has been happening even faster than this paragraph suggested it would; because of Washington’s failed Ukraine gamble, many countries have already fallen into crisis. The chaos that we’ll see for the “rules-based order” during Trump’s second term is going to multiply the existing instability. And Global South countries, including ones that are strategically significant to the hegemon, have been reacting to these events by embracing anti-imperialism. Anura Dissanayake, Sri Lanka’s new communist president, is fully aligned with China given everything we’ve seen from him so far. His party’s victory represents a triumph over the color revolution apparatus, which manipulated Sri Lanka’s unrest in 2022 and then installed an anti-China government. Through the power of the masses, the country has now gotten on a path towards joining with the Eurasian economic center. 

Ultimately, the masses will win everywhere else; how easily they’ll win depends on how well we all navigate the conditions of the countries we’re in. The crucial thing for us to do is not be complacent; whether we’re resisting the empire from the outside or the inside, we can’t underestimate the enemy. We must take example from China, Russia, Khamenei, and the struggle’s other consistent allies; they see that there is no making peace with a force which wants to destroy you.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Monopoly capital is preparing its next big move, & this will involve a staged provocation from the left

Whether it happens around the inauguration or at a different time, the three-letter agencies are going to create a new January 6 event in left-wing form. Except this event is going to play a different role than that first provocation; the original January 6 was about creating an excuse to build an official domestic front for the War on Terror, while this new provocation will be about letting the state activate this repressive tool. The Capitol Hill riot let Biden create the “Countering Domestic Terrorism” program, in which activists of essentially all kinds are placed under suspicion of violent extremism. The riot also let tech companies increase their censorship of Palestinians, which is something they now have a greater desire for than ever. 

The next step will be to mobilize the types of leftists who view themselves as “antifa” warriors fighting the new Hitler. Like how the feds turned MAGA activists into FBI assets and then orchestrated a break-in, they’ll manipulate these left elements into pursuing other adventurist activities, potentially of a more violent nature.

This new false flag will need to be more spectacular than the last one, because for it to succeed, it will have to create real fear. January 6 was in large part a circus, where people were taking selfies in the Capitol and dressing up in goofy costumes. No cops died in the line of duty, making it harder to believe that this was a serious threat to democracy. When the feds activate the ultraviolent elements of the left, they’ll have to create the sense that wokeness really does pose an imminent danger towards national security; they’ll need images that stick with people. Only a crime that tops January 6 can accomplish what the deep state wants to accomplish, which is the proliferation of massive national paranoia and outrage. 

The next war maneuvers, and the effort to purge dissent, require the perception that Palestine supporters are “radical Islamist” assets; this is how Trump’s future Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard has described the Gaza protesters, and it’s how our government wants the conservative base to see these Americans. So the feds will orchestrate shocking acts of violence, associate them with pro-Palestine people, and say that China is behind the whole conspiracy.

That’s how a domestic false flag can assist Washington both in its purge against dissent, and in its effort to start a direct war with the PRC. Our ruling class is anxious to go on a multi-front offensive; time is running out for the imperial order, so monopoly capital seeks to steer Trump’s White House towards pursuing major escalations. These operations will come with a cost, though. Because the MAGA base is heavily disillusioned with the war machine, and with the neoliberal economic order it perpetuates. The feds can spread confusion and division; they can turn China into a scapegoat, or deflect the conversation towards culture war issues. But they can’t stop communists from intervening; not if we navigate our situation correctly.

We need to differentiate ourselves from the unserious leftist elements which apply the “fascist” label to at least one-third of the country’s people. We need to make it clear that we’re not forces for violence and destruction, but rather the people’s allies in bringing peace to our communities; the only violence that comes is going to originate from monopoly capital, and from its ultraviolent ideological proxies. There are many U.S. communists who understand this need for a break from leftism, and they’re increasingly solidifying their presence. The next step is to build cadres, networks, and mass connections that will let our organizations remain in operation amid the state’s coming crackdowns. 

Our enemies are in place to carry out this repression; though the effort to persecute Uhuru has failed at creating a precedent, this next false flag is still coming. And the deep state has enough control over Trump’s White House to ensure that major repression will follow. We can gain allies within certain elements of the system; these allies just won’t be able to prevent a purge against dissent, and will need to end up fighting against Trump or his ideological successors. Because Trump and Vance are absolutely going to help advance the war against pro-Palestine sentiment, setting them up against the pro-liberty forces.

The armed service members, the lower-level entrepreneurs, and the others who may defect towards our side will only do so if we’ve established a structure that’s capable of defeating the state. That has a significant basis within the unions, has members who’ve been trained on a Bolshevik level, and has a serious contingency plan in case it gets forced underground. This is how we must think in a situation where we have no hope of creating a protection racket within the government; where protection will have to come from the dual power structures that we build ourselves.

Winning the allyship of forces within the national bourgeoisie and the army is a vital part of defeating the ruling class. The more the forces of state repression close in, though, the better I come to see how important community alliances are. The local ties that we build are our most important ties; second are our international connections, and third are our national ones. We’ll only be able to keep going if our movement’s members build relationships with people who they know in their own areas, and who can be relied upon to keep doing this work after repression has intensified. This is the core of solid participants who will need to exist for the rest of the process to unfold; for the people to have a realistic path towards overthrowing the state.

The advancements in surveillance technology have not made this task impossible. The Palestinian resistance has overcome the occupier’s spying panopticon, and people across the Global South are able to organize under anti-democratic U.S. puppet regimes. We will find our own path towards such movement resilience, and then towards victory over the imperial state. It depends on whether we can come to a new strategy for the class struggle’s next stage; a way of operating that lets us overcome the full force of the U.S. government. 

There are weaknesses within our enemy that we can exploit; though this coming false flag will supercharge the anti-woke psyop, the second Trump administration’s imperialist policies are going to alienate and split his supporters. If we can ensure our organizations remain vital amid the coming repression, we’ll be able to fill the political vacuum MAGA leaves. Our enemies will try to smear us as being synonymous with the ultraviolent leftists, but this psyop will fall short if we win the people to our side.

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Security state seeks to use Tulsi Gabbard for advancing the crackdown against Palestine supporters

In this last week, where Trump has filled his cabinet with either open neocons or Zionists who share key neocon positions, it’s become apparent which role the deep state wants for Trump’s White House. Our national security apparatus wants Trump to facilitate an unprecedented crackdown against pro-Palestine speech, wherein those who speak out against the genocide are labeled as terrorists or foreign agents; the goal is to expand the USA’s recent political raids and indictments, under the pretext of combating a woke international conspiracy. That’s the paranoid view which Tulsi Gabbard, Trump’s appointee for Director of National Intelligence, has articulated without ambiguity; Gabbard has said that the Palestine campus protesters are “puppets” of a “radical Islamist organization.” This is who will soon have the jobs of ensuring that intelligence is accurate, directing coordination with foreign intelligence, and providing the president with a daily briefing.

Gabbard is not an exception among these harmful figures within Trump’s cabinet; because though Gabbard is against many war narratives, her embrace of the rationale for the Gaza genocide makes all the difference here. Even if Gabbard is a sincere person in that she believes everything she says, someone with an honest personality can still be swayed towards believing and promoting lies. And the intelligence forces which seek to target Palestine supporters could easily take advantage of Gabbard’s ideological biases.

The Mossad, which is now overseeing a collapsing state that’s desperate for retribution, has every reason to feed the United States these types of narratives; what if it tries to make pro-Palestine Americans into its next victims? What if the CIA or FBI assist the Mossad in such an effort? Gabbard’s hostile views towards Palestine supporters could lead to a failure to scrutinize intelligence, making somebody with honest intentions assist in selling a hoax to the president. 

And that’s the more charitable interpretation of what Gabbard’s role is; Gabbard has worked as a psychological operations officer for the army, so she has special training in what manipulation looks like. Will this mean Gabbard rejects the lies about Palestine supporters that the intelligence community next tries to sell? More likely she’ll participate in spreading these false claims, letting our security state purge dissent on a large scale.

These kinds of scenarios would also have come about if Trump had lost; the plan was for the repression to massively expand after this election, no matter the outcome. Because the balance of forces isn’t sufficiently in the favor of anti-imperialists, and the deep state holds dictatorial control over our government, Trump’s victory has benefited that counterinsurgency plan. Originally the security state favored Kamala; that’s evident from how essentially all the neocons endorsed her. But the Democrats lost too much support, in large part because of their advancing the genocide; so the best option became to let Trump win. This is why there’s been such an absence of post-election unrest: the next big move from our enemies is coming later. And when it comes, Gabbard and the other fanatical anti-Palestinians in Trump’s White House will be assigned to attack dissident groups. 

This is the optimal strategy for the deep state at this point, when it’s needed to give up its scheme for a left-wing imperialist White House and install an anti-woke crew instead. The anti-woke psyop that Gabbard and these other figures advance is a powerful tool, though its usefulness has limits. The unabashedly extreme nature of this new government will invigorate the pro-Palestine movement domestically, as well as help Iran’s hardliners retake control over their country. There are also real and growing divisions among the ruling class over which direction to take U.S. imperialism; the liberal technocrats want to prioritize waging war against Russia, while the MAGA wing wants to focus on this hemisphere and promptly invade Mexico. Capital’s dominant faction will likely succeed in getting Trump to continue the new cold war escalations, like it did last time he was president; and it may even get him not to pursue diplomacy in Korea. He might negotiate with the DPRK, but everything depends on the balance of forces, and right now the neocons are increasingly gaining influence over Trump.

MAGA’s leaders already align with the liberals on certain matters; most notably the effort to assail China, and the campaign of genocide against Palestine. Most of Trump’s base continues to be anti-China and pro-Zionist for the time being; but there’s an ideological conflict within this base, and the strong anti-NATO attitudes among modern U.S. conservatives could produce other consciousness shifts. 

There’s a concerted effort to create confusion among these conservatives; to depict China and communism as tools for monopoly capital, to portray Palestine as simply a “woke” issue, and to distract from foreign policy through culture war demagoguery. The prevailing sentiment among Trump’s supporters, though, is that we shouldn’t be fighting with Russia; as well as that the Ukraine war relates to our government’s efforts at de-growing our economy, and taking away our constitutional liberties. The inflation crisis has made the desire to defeat monopoly capital more intense than ever; as Trump capitulates to the establishment, disillusionment with Trump will follow.

Those among Trump’s base who are paying the closest attention have already been getting a sense that major betrayals are coming; much blacklash has come upon him for his welcoming of undeniable neocons like Brian Hook and Marco Rubio. The great danger for the establishment is that as MAGA loses its energy, Trump’s voters will be brought in by communists, antiwar Libertarians, and other genuine dissident groups. So the deep state’s best option is to present figures like Gabbard as authentic sources of hope, while having these figures wage a domestic war; a war that will be waged by propagating the most conspiratorial and incendiary kinds of anti-woke rhetoric.

There is a tactical advantage that anti-imperialists have gained from Trump’s victory. This advantage won’t come from Trump’s White House defying the deep state’s foreign policy; the geopolitical escalations will continue, and the executive branch will advance the counterinsurgency inside U.S. borders. The advantage will primarily come from how we can now expose the contradictions within MAGA; if MAGA is about freeing the country from the control of corrupt bureaucrats and monopolist interests, then Trump has betrayed MAGA and will continue to do so. Trump’s assistance to NATO will likely create splits within his coalition, leading to the different wings of imperialism intensifying their fight. Inter-elite rivalries will grow, as will anti-imperialist mass consciousness. Which will create the conditions for us to unite the pro-Palestine and pro-Russian elements, building up our existing anti-imperialist united front. Tulsi Gabbard does not need to assist our cause for us to turn Trump’s election into a win; that depends on which things we do next.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.