The KKE is pushing labor Zionism on the workers movement, but dialectics show how to combat this

This is from the book that I’m writing, which will be called “When Tears Can’t Save Them: Why The Pro-Palestine Movement Failed To Stop A Holocaust, And How It Can Still Win.”

In November 2025, leading Communist Party of Israel member Ofer Cassif made a speech to the Communist Party of Britain’s 58th Congress. One of the core arguments he made was that there had been a “takeover of fascism” within the Zionist state. Another one was that “The Palestinians have no time to wait for one state,” and therefore “Those who support a one-state solution actually deny the Palestinian people their national self-determination.”

Cassif said this at a moment when the pro-Palestine movement was seeking a new direction amid both recent strategic victories, and looming new threats. In early October, another ceasefire agreement had been reached, with this one supposed to be the deal that would bring sustainable peace. The Zionist entity of course never intended to let this happen, and it had been continuing to bomb Gaza in preparation for its next escalations. Due to the determination of the resistance to minimize violence, though, the ceasefire hadn’t so far fallen apart, and the pro-Palestine movement was in a moment of transition. Gaza wasn’t as much in the discourse as it had been during the worst months of the genocide, but there was a widespread global desire to assist in the rebuilding efforts, and to help ensure the ceasefire would last. 

The ceasefire was itself a product of the strength the resistance had demonstrated, and this victory opened up new opportunities for Palestine’s allies around the world. But there were forces that sought to direct Palestine sympathizers towards a pro-normalization agenda. And key parts of these forces existed in the communist movement, with a key player in this effort being the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).

In its statement from after October 9, the KKE put forth a position that would come to have greater relevance in this later phase of the genocide, when Gaza was seeking recovery and Palestine supporters were looking for a path forward. The KKE had argued that we must view the people of the Zionist state as victims alongside the Palestinians; an idea that would be used to support not just the “Israel has fallen to fascism” notion, but also the narrative that supporting the abolition of Zionism does harm to the Palestinians. Said the KKE:

The USA and the EU found their much-needed ally in the Israeli bourgeoisie and in its state, which gave them the right of arbitration together with the other bourgeois classes of the region, which also wanted to enhance their position. This geopolitical game, which has been played out in even more dramatic terms since the overthrow of socialism in the USSR, has as its victim an entire people, the Palestinian people, who have been promised a homeland all these years but whose dream remains unfulfilled. The people of Israel are also paying the prise because they are victims of the policies of the Israeli bourgeoisie and its state. The KKE expresses its solidarity with the Communist Party of Israel, with the communists of Israel, Jews and Arabs, who are currently struggling in the lion’s den and raising a voice of resistance to the barbarity against the people of Palestine.

The KKE has expressed its full solidarity and support for the Palestinian people, for the need to have their own state and to be masters in their own land. At the same time, it emphasized that the the [sic] Israeli people are also a victim of the policies of the bourgeois state of Israel and the reactionary Netanyahu government. This statement was met with hostility by certain forces of the “World Anti-Imperialist Platform”, which do not recognize the existence of the state of Israel, nor the existence of the Israeli bourgeoisie and the Israeli people, calling it a US base that must be destroyed. These forces refuse to see that the root cause of everything that the peoples are experiencing is the barbaric exploitative system in its current stage, the monopoly one, where the struggle between the monopolies and the bourgeois classes is intensifying and is being waged by all means, for the exploitation not only of the workers of their countries but also of other countries for raw materials, transport routes for the commodities, geopolitical footholds and market shares. And the bourgeois state of Israel and its bourgeoisie is such a geopolitical foothold for the USA and the EU and not only a military base.

To understand why this argument is wrong, and therefore why all other labor Zionist arguments are wrong as well, you have to look at which class category working “Israelis” truly fall into. When I say “Israelis,” I’m principally talking about the social class within Palestine which has a colonizer role, that being Jewish “Israelis.” The Arabs who the Zionist entity has given citizenship are nominally “Israelis,” but unlike the colonizer class, these citizens don’t enjoy the legal and material benefits that are only fully accessible to Jews within Palestine. 

It’s the Jewish “Israelis” whose status as proletarians is under interrogation here, and who the KKE is principally referring to when it seeks to make the case that “Israeli people are also a victim”; since they’re the only ones who the Zionist state treats as full human beings, they’re the appropriate focus of this class analysis. And when we apply such a dialectical analysis to the role that Jewish “Israeli” workers play, we find they’re not proletarians, but are in fact part of an outright slaveocracy. One that’s built upon the labor of the only proletarians in Palestine, which are the indigenous people who’ve been forced into a status of slave-wage servitude.

According to the crudely economistic view that the KKE espouses, Jewish workers in Palestine are proletarians, just because they (superficially) fit the most surface-level Marxist definition of “proletarian”; that being someone who makes a living by selling their labor. Yet for this definition to really apply to the Jewish workers in Palestine, we would need to forget about another essential class definition within Marxism, which is the aristocracy of labor. By quoting Engels, Lenin illustrated which part the labor aristocrats play within the imperialist structure, and how the unions were able to make these workers “better situated” to the extent that they’d become on the level of the bourgeoisie:

In a letter to Marx, dated October 7, 1858, Engels wrote: “...The English proletariat is actually becoming more and more bourgeois, so that this most bourgeois of all nations is apparently aiming ultimately at the possession of a bourgeois aristocracy and a bourgeois proletariat alongside the bourgeoisie. For a nation which exploits the whole world this is of course to a certain extent justifiable”…That these ideas, which were repeated by Engels over the course of decades, were so expressed by him publicly, in the press, is proved by his preface to the second edition of The Condition of the Working Class in England, 1892. Here he speaks of an “aristocracy among the working class”, of a “privileged minority of the workers”, in contradistinction to the “great mass of working people”. “A small, privileged, protected minority” of the working class alone was “permanently benefited” by the privileged position of England in 1848–68, whereas “the great bulk of them experienced at best but a temporary improvement”.... “With the break-down of that [England’s industrial] monopoly, the English working class will lose that privileged position...” The members of the “new” unions, the unions of the unskilled workers, “had this immense advantage, that their minds were virgin soil, entirely free from the inherited ‘respectable’ bourgeois prejudices which hampered the brains of the better situated ‘old unionists’” .... “The so-called workers’ representatives” in England are people “who are forgiven their being members of the working class because they themselves would like to drown their quality of being workers in the ocean of their liberalism...”

This phenomenon of certain unions within the imperialist countries fostering a labor aristocracy is applicable here because though “Israel” isn’t an imperialist country, it is a country whose favored class of workers owe absolutely everything they have to the exploitation of an underclass. And Histadrut is the organization that’s filled this exact role of a union which transfers stolen wealth to the privileged layer of workers. Histadrut perfectly fits that criteria because its role in the bribery is so direct and blatant, it doesn’t even function like a traditional union does; it’s a category all of its own. Histradrut isn’t a real labor union, in that its role is not to give the workers a means for actively asserting themselves against the employers; instead, it’s always served as a means for carrying out social development that pertains to the Zionist colonizers who work.

Why has the Zionist entity never had the need for a genuine labor union? Because the workers who its labor structure is designed to benefit are not proletarians. They’re individuals who get compensated for their labor entirely at the expense of Palestine’s actual proletariat. When it comes to the Jewish “Israeli” workers, the employee vs. employer contradiction looks fundamentally different than it does in any place which isn’t the world’s last proper settler-colonial state. Whenever this contradiction comes up, the way in which it’s resolved is unique, because only in “Israel” does the union respond to the demands of the workers by simply providing more colonial gains to them. 

Only in “Israel” is there such a blatant ethnic stratification, one which cultivates a population of bribed workers whose wealth is entirely founded on slavery. Like “Israel,” the U.S. is also a slave state, and it does still have a labor aristocracy; but the majority of its workers are no longer part of this aristocracy, which was always going to enter into such a decline. America has been able to develop into a society with a multiracial proletariat, whereas in “Israel” the proletariat is by definition limited to those who stand below the ethnic aristocracy.

What is the KKE really saying, then, when it talks about how Jewish “Israelis” have been victimized by Netanyahu’s policies? It’s saying that the Histradrut should have been allowed to distribute more colonial resources to the Jewish colonizers who work. The KKE’s position is not to stand against Zionism, but to side with one of the factions within Zionism; that being the “labor” faction, which has been pushed to the margins and therefore can present itself as distinct from the “fascist” kind of Zionism. 

Zionism is so foundationally tied in with an agenda of genocide that it’s completely redundant, and in fact harmful, to classify certain Zionist currents as “fascist” while implying that other currents represent something humane or progressive. Such is the trick that’s being pulled by the KKE’s camp within the global communist movement: construct a narrative in which there are “good” Zionists who represent the proletarian cause, and who can supposedly serve as allies to the Palestinians. I phrase it as “the KKE’s camp” because among these labor Zionist parties, the leadership of Greece’s communist party plays a pivotal role. 

This leadership has a platform that’s able to influence numerous other communist formations, especially throughout Europe. It in part gained this platform through the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, which the KKE set up in 1998 as a way of regrouping the world’s heavily damaged communist movement. The ways in which the KKE has been effective, namely when it comes to worker organizing, have been exploited by the elements within its leadership that support labor Zionism; and it’s evident that these elements have won out within the party’s structure, which is democratic centralist in a way that’s deeply hostile towards dissenting views.

It’s in this environment, where one small clique inside global communism can exercise greatly outsized influence, that dogmatic opportunism has been allowed to thrive. And the consequence is that the communist movement, or at least one of its major tendencies, has hitched itself to the controlled opposition wing within Zionism. The only way the pro-Palestine movement can throw off the grip of this labor Zionist current—and thereby overcome a major barrier to getting connected with the workers movement—is by building up alternative organizational forces. Entryism into these corrupted communist parties is not the right strategy; we must focus on creating structures that are already controlled by principled pro-Palestine forces.

To carry out this project, we must combat the efforts by the labor Zionists to redefine Zionism. According to them, somebody can support the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine while not being a Zionist, as long as they do so for the right reasons; those reasons being a desire for independence from imperialism, and for this Jewish state to develop into socialism. For one example of the arguments labor Zionists make to support this narrative, here is a 2022 article from 972 Magazine, which asserts that there’s a “nationalism beyond Zionism” among certain Jews who fought in the 1948 war:

…even the Jewish Communists in America did not deny a new national identity in Palestine. Alexander Bittelman, a member of the Communist Party in the US who worked with Jews in the party in the 1940s, wrote that, “Communists can – and must – carry on the fight for national independence of their people, not as bourgeois nationalists but working-class internationalists.” (“Israel and the World Struggle for Peace and Democracy” 1948). The tide of history was too strong, however; national chauvinism won the day.

What was this non- or anti-Zionist Jewish identity the Communists wanted to create? It was not anti-statist per se: many Jewish Communists fought in the 1948 war. The identity, at its core, was “Jewish” but not exclusivist in terms of the state’s structure, and binationalist in principle. The Jewish Communists were committed to a Jewish internationalist class struggle staged from Palestine/Israel. Locker-Biletzki interestingly notes, “not unlike sections of Haredi society, [the communists] professed a limited loyalty to the state, defending its independence from imperialism while negating its Zionist ideological core.” In both cases, one can be a Jewish collectivist of sorts, and not a Zionist. Thus Meir Vilner, the head of MAKI, the Israeli Communist Party in 1948, was a signatory to Israel’s Declaration of Independence and a long-standing Knesset member. Similarly, the non-Zionist Agudat Israel could agree to become part of the transgressive secular state.

To understand why this Jewish nationalism absolutely is Zionist, we have to investigate what Zionism means at its core. To be a Zionist proper, you need to practice Zionism by physically living in Palestine; which in practical terms was always going to mean the creation of an exclusivistic Jewish state, regardless of the preferences of those who took part in the Zionist project. When we’re following Zionism’s strict definition, most of the people around the globe who call themselves Zionists are not actually Zionists; rather they’re Jewish supremacists. These “non-Zionists” have not only lived in Palestine, but they’ve participated in efforts to construct and preserve the Zionist state, and the party they created continues to uphold these efforts as having been justified.

For the working-class and pro-Palestine movements to escape Zionist co-optation, our ranks must face the reality of just how marginal anti-Zionism truly is within “Israeli” society. We need to recognize that Palestine’s liberation will have to come from forces external to “Israel”; this is what it means to understand settler-colonialism as it exists in today’s world. “Israel” can never change into a state that’s stopped subjugating the Palestinians, because the only role “Israel” was ever designed to have is a mercenary colony. This has to do with how the Zionist project came about so late within the process of colonialism; because colonialism had already become ripe to shed its old form by the time “Israel” was founded, and the brazenly supremacist logic of colonialism was falling out of style, the Zionists found themselves isolated. They came to run a society that exists in complete opposition to reality, and is dependent on endless war.

“Israel,” specifically Jewish society within “Israel,” was always going to be an eight-million-member cult. The liberal or “labor” Zionist attempts to soften this cult’s image, and convince Palestine supporters we can negotiate our way into peace with the occupier, serve to pull the pro-Palestine movement into the political margins. Because there’s no way the ideals of these “progressive” Zionists and “non-Zionists” can be realized, the only effect they can have is to weaken the Palestinian cause. 

Marxists and other Palestine supporters must keep watch for this kind of insidious tactic, particularly when it’s directed towards our movement through the “non-Zionist” label; the fact that these political actors feel the need to soften their phrasing when it comes to opposing Zionism is a sign of something being amiss. Publications like 972 Magazine (which is named after the area code for occupied Palestine) are guided by the idea that the more collaboration there is between Palestinians and “Israeli” Jews, the more that things will be able to advance towards peace. But for Zionists, including “progressive” Zionists, “peace” means the surrender of those who are fighting against Palestine’s extermination and subjugation. Once you embrace this mindset that “peace dialogue” will in itself bring progress, or that you can find allies of Palestine on the Zionist side, you’ve taken the anti-colonial character out of your political project.

The rationale which the labor Zionists use is that they’re not promoting Zionism, because supposedly there exists a kind of socialist politics that views “Israel” as a real country yet functions outside the Zionist sphere. And this is certainly a dishonest rhetorical tactic with contradictory reasoning; but because of how deceptive it is, if we keep engaging with it we’ll end up having a circular argument. Our task is not to force crypto-Zionists to admit that they’re Zionists. When you’re engaging with someone who’s speaking in bad faith, and will always come up with another reason for why they’re not actually doing the thing they’re doing, you need to focus on exposing them as bad-faith. And in our case, the efforts to expose those we’re fighting against need to be secondary to the efforts at constructing a political alternative for the masses. 

We know where the root of the labor Zionist problem is. Everywhere outside of occupied Palestine itself, labor Zionism gains its perceived legitimacy from a dogmatic adherence towards the position of the Soviet Union—or at least the position the USSR took during the era when “Israel” was created. For a communist party to have this dogmatic opportunist mentality, it needs to be detached from the world’s liberation struggles in crucial ways, and stuck within a practice of complacency which discourages growth. This was how the USSR’s ruling party came to lose the will for continuing the class struggle; and this collapse in motivation to defend socialism was related to the party’s earlier embrace of labor Zionism. Both came from crude economism, which narrowly focuses on struggles that are directly related to labor. This translated to viewing Palestine’s working colonizers as proletarians, just because they superficially appear to be so.

Whenever a communist party deteriorates ideologically, this has to do with a failure to keep its ranks rigorously educated; and when the organization’s priorities aren’t adequately focused around education, this comes from a lack of sufficient concern for advancing the people’s interests. The only way to free our movements from these ills is by acting according to what the struggle truly demands, based on investigations that we constantly make into our conditions. And a critical part of this is synthesizing the class struggle with the anti-imperialist struggle, which aren’t the same thing but overlap on the vast majority of issues. 

The error of the KKE, and those who follow in its dogmatic opportunism, is to view Palestine and “Israel” entirely through the lens of the employee vs. employer contradiction—as if there weren’t a bigger contradiction in this case, like the one between the slaves and the slavers. If we train ourselves to look at things holistically, and account for what the most relevant contradictions are, we will be able to build something that dwarfs any structures the labor Zionists have. That aligns itself with the liberation struggle which the actual people of Palestine are waging, and thereby cuts through all the deceptions of those who offer Palestine false salvation.

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The context behind Zohran’s betrayal: decades of Chomskyite efforts to cultivate a non-communist left

To understand Zohran Mamdani, and why he acts as an impediment to revolutionary struggle, we need to look at the last generation’s effort to cultivate a non-communist left. Such an effort has been underway ever since communism became a serious threat towards capitalism, but in the post-Soviet era, left-wing anti-communism has taken on a new character; one that’s particularly suited to the agenda of color revolutions, which have come to be the predominant type of imperialist psyop. This is the agenda that Zohran advanced when he attacked Venezuela and Cuba last month, and the forces which incentivized him to promote such blatant imperial propaganda are the same ones that have influenced other major figures of the compatible left. One example being Noam Chomsky, the pivotal shaper of academic leftism who we recently learned has been compromised in critical ways.

Chomsky is so relevant to the present moment because according to the Epstein communications records, Chomsky had been close friends with Epstein, and received financial support from an account tied to him. This doesn’t prove Chomsky participated in Epstein’s crimes, but it does show he’d become entangled in circles that make their members constrained in what they can say or do. This reveals a critical part of how the non-communist left has been propped up: by elevating personalities which aren’t supposed to step out of their role within imperialist propaganda. And especially during the last decade or so of his life as an active participant in the discourse, Chomsky filled such a role; for one example of this behavior on his part, he was among the “progressive” voices who called for intervention in Syria, with the rationale being that this was necessary to protect the Kurds.

This “save the Kurds” justification was, famously, the same reasoning that Christopher Hitchens used to argue that the Iraq invasion had been righteous. And that Hitchens had origins in Western Marxism, particularly of the Trotskyist variety, further shows the centrality of “State Department socialism” within projects which advance U.S. hegemony. To combat the non-communist left, and thereby make way for an authentic working-class solidarity movement, we must examine how this inauthentic left could gain such prominence.

Losurdo provides us with great clarity on this. He identifies how even among the tendencies in the “collective west” that do still call themselves “Marxist,” the pro-imperialist ideology has become predominant. Such was the problem he described in Western Marxism: How It was Born, How It Died, How It can be Reborn. Wrote Losurdo:

Reduced to a religion, and indeed a religion of evasion, Western Marxism cannot provide an answer to the problems of the present, particularly the worsening of the international situation. We have seen what has happened in the past few years. On the occasion of the war against Libya in 2011, authoritative organs of the Western press recognized its neocolonial character. Neocolonial and bloody. An eminent French philosopher, very distant from Marxism, observed, "today we know that the war resulted in at least 30,000 deaths, against 300 victims of the initial repression" carried out by Qaddafi. According to other estimates, the toll of the NATO intervention would be even greater. And the tragedy continues: the country has been destroyed, and people have been forced to choose between desperation at home or fleeing to the unknown, which could be fatal.

I am not aware of any exponent of "Western Marxism" or of "Libertarian Western Marxism" that denounced this horror. Indeed, a personality such as Rossana Rossanda, who, as the founder of the communist daily Il Manifesto can be included in the category of "Western Marxism" or "Libertarian Western Marxism," went to the very threshold of calling for armed intervention against Qaddafi's Libya. It is a threshold that Susanna Camusso, Secretary-General of the CGIL—a union federation that has left long behind its onetime links to the Communist Party and to Eastern Marxism—happily crossed over.

It’s this culture within today’s academic and dogmatic opportunist “Marxism,” the culture that aligns with U.S. hegemony’s interests, which makes up the foundations for the politics Zohran represents. We know that Zohran’s meeting with Trump was corrupt in nature, rather than something tactical, because Zohran has shown he’s behind the Trump White House’s schemes for new aggressions against Latin America’s workers governments. The anti-worker policies that Zohran has embraced on a practical level, like refusing to re-hire workers who got fired over the unjust Covid work rules, are downstream from these pro-imperialist positions. 

We have yet to see if this means he’ll break his promise to implement BDS in New York City; but if he does, we will need to use it as an opportunity to provide an alternative path for his supporters. A path in which anti-Zionists and class-conscious Americans revive the authentic Marxism, the Marxism that serves as the ultimate weapon of revolutionary solidarity.

Being betrayed by a leader who posed as an ally to the workers is the initial entry point into Marxism for most people who end up becoming Marxists. It was how the bulk of modern America’s new generation of communists came to where they are, as most of them started out hoping for Bernie Sanders to lead a real working-class movement. Lenin talked about the importance of this learning experience for the masses; he explained why communists must let the false socialist leaders bring about their own demise, and discredit themselves in the eyes of the workers who’d initially gravitated towards them. The way that Lenin said communists can do this is by demonstrating how we actually would be open to an alliance with the reformists, if only the reformists were to stop opportunistically sabotaging hopes for a united front:

If the Hendersons and the Snowdens reject a bloc with the Communists, the latter will immediately gain by winning the sympathy of the masses and discrediting the Hendersons and Snowdens; if, as a result, we do lose a few parliamentary seats, it is a matter of no significance to us. We would put up our candidates in a very few but absolutely safe constituencies, namely, constituencies where our candidatures would not give any seats to the Liberals at the expense of the Labour candidates. We would take part in the election campaign, distribute leaflets agitating for communism, and, in all constituencies where we have no candidates, we would urge the electors to vote for the Labour candidate and against the bourgeois candidate. Comrades Sylvia Pankhurst and Gallacher are mistaken in thinking that this is a betrayal of communism, or a renunciation of the struggle against the social-traitors. On the contrary, the cause of communist revolution would undoubtedly gain thereby.

Applying this strategy to the social democratic movement as it exists in today’s America, or to any other bourgeois populist trend, does not look exactly like this. It wouldn’t be productive for us to advocate voting blue, any more than it would be productive for us to have advocated voting Trump; this is because the modern American communist movement holds far less leverage than Russia’s communists did in Lenin’s time, and U.S. electoralism is much better able to compromise a mass movement. The Democratic Party is where movements go to die, and this makes it unwise to treat the Democrats the same way that Lenin treated the Labour Party. 

However, we can apply Lenin’s strategy by going into the masses who’ve been drawn towards social democracy. A top priority are the DSA members who’ve gotten disillusioned with the Zionists in their organization’s leadership; if we reach them, we will be able to not just grow the communist movement, but cut off academic leftism from being able to influence the most important parts of its target audience. We can win over the pro-Palestine Gen Z masses, who the academic left and the “soft” Zionists are anxious to capture right now. This part of the masses already mostly supports Palestine’s armed resistance, and the false left is trying to de-radicalize them; but such a mission is highly impractical. We are the ones who have the advantage in this battle, because we align with the pro-resistance beliefs of Gen Z.

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American communism’s strategic status: poised to win the Gen-Z masses, but in urgent need of defense

It’s because American communists are poised to win millions to our side that our government is sure to treat us as the next biggest threat. We are coming to have a great new strategic advantage, yet within our movement there are tactical vulnerabilities that the enemy can exploit. We must assess the factors that are both for and against us right now…

—The acceleration of our societal collapse since the beginning of Covid has created a generation which has every reason to embrace communism. The only thing that could reduce Gen Z’s migration rate to Marxism is a success for the far right, because Americans who came of age in the post-Covid era are only going to seek out what’s most radical. And not as many of Gen Z will join with the far right as recent media narratives have suggested, because the youth’s support for Trump 2.0 has been greatly overblown; among politically conscious Gen Z-ers, the prevailing ideology is one which supports the Palestinian armed resistance. This means most of communism’s potential recruits in Gen Z are already halfway there to Marxism.

—The far right still must be taken seriously, because it has the potential to exploit the incel aspect of Gen Z’s crises. A real danger is that as the proportion of “excess men” grows, these left-behinds will be brought to neo-Nazism. One movement that we could compare today’s American neo-Nazi paramilitaries to is Boko Haram, which gains recruits from the men in Africa’s Sahel region who’ve been “left behind” the same way that many men in our society have. An American Boko Haram scenario would look like Atomwaffen gaining widespread support from the left-behinds, and waging an insurgency. We should take this prospect seriously, because though the far right is a minority within the post-Covid generation, the ideology of Atomwaffen is dedicated to accelerationist destruction. And in the absence of a working-class movement that keeps gaining strength, this destruction will be what defines the next era.

—The far right’s recent pivots are a reaction to communism’s growing potential. In these last several months, some of the biggest figures on the far right—namely Nick Fuentes—have abandoned the most radical parts of their audiences in order to gain favor among the conservative mainstream. As soon as Fuentes began defending the Zionist entity on the biggest issues within recent discourse, he came to be accepted by social fascists of the Red Scare Podcast variety, and by the more presentable “alt” media sources like Tucker Carlson. That Fuentes judged this pivot to be in his best interests, at the same moment when the Zionist establishment greatly escalated its attacks against dissent, shows our ruling class is aiming to de-radicalize many of the same Gen Z-ers who it’s targeted with the pro-Hitler psyop. The Zionists who have Fuentes on a leash see him as useful controlled opposition, but they’re now having him try to make his audience back into normie conservatives. This has to do with a fear that they’ll become anti-Zionist in an organized sense, at which point communists would easily be able to reach them.

—This maneuver is also another step towards the Boko Haram scenario, whether its orchestrators intend it to be or not. With Fuentes and his camp now abandoned by the hardcore Hitlerites who’d previously been following him, this creates room for more committed pro-Hitler forces to rise. The neo-Nazi trend that our deep state has fostered was only meant to be a way of keeping Gen Z men apathetic; they weren’t supposed to act on their Hitlerite beliefs. But this trend could spiral out of the control of those who engineered it. We must intensify our efforts to discredit Hitlerism, and expose its nature as a creation of finance capital. Most importantly, though, we must build an alternative radicalization path, one which allows Marxism to act as a means for asserting agency over history.

—Our government wants an American Jakarta Method, and it will get one unless we act to defend our movement. The Jakarta Method was the strategy for anti-communist mass murder that Indonesia’s U.S.-installed dictatorship used, and our ruling class seeks to apply this strategy to America. This is how the enemy will respond to the rise in American communism, and the enemy wishes it could have already carried out a purge against the country’s existing revolutionary movement. The only things that have so far delayed such a purge are the U.S. Constitution, and the relative weakness American communism still has. As soon as millions start becoming class-conscious on a greater level, we will see our ruling class act out in ways which are desperate, but are nonetheless exceptionally dangerous.

—Self-defense does not mean adventurism, and we urgently need to combat the ultra-leftist elements that practice adventurism. The effort by our ruling class to cultivate adventurism is actually a critical part of how America’s Jakarta Method will be carried out, and of how it’s already being carried out in its earlier stages. What our class enemies are doing is roping leftists into adventurism via the “antifa” psyop, then using the ensuing chaos as a pretext for even-greater violence from the police, the National Guard, and ICE. There’s also the mass shootings that have been brought about through fed-run online Satanic cults, which are tied in with both neo-Nazism and ultraviolent wokeism. (The name for this synthesis is American Azovism, which is the project to import Ukraine’s Nazi collaborationist ruling ideology.) The goal behind all of these tactics is to terrorize Americans, particularly class-conscious Americans.

—America’s path to working-class victory will be a protracted fight, but we can turn this to our advantage. Amid all the obstacles and perils we’re facing, this is the most important part of the story that I want communists to internalize: the protracted nature of the struggle ahead is something we can use as an opportunity for rallying more of the people behind our cause, and for deepening our own insights and experiences prior to the eventual victory. If the reality we must confront is that America’s second revolution won’t simply happen in an instant, and will take long-term efforts to bring into being, then our only path forward is to build a working-class infrastructure with stronger foundations. We must use this time to ensure that when the imperial state falls, it will be replaced not with an Atomwaffen state, but with a proletarian dictatorship. And the fact that we’re so many steps away from the imperial state’s fall gives us more time to outmaneuver the Hitlerite militias, which have the inherent disadvantage of being violently hostile towards the masses. 

For communists, it is “dual power or bust”; either we’ll construct the infrastructure that can serve the needs of the masses, and provide them with leadership, or we’ll lose this battle and need to regroup.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Zionism’s agents want us fatigued over Gaza, but Palestine’s resistance shows us how to keep fighting

The recent strategic gains of Palestine’s resistance, and of the global movement that’s aligned with it, give us the lessons we’ll need to keep fighting amid Zionism’s next attacks. This has to be our takeaway from the latest genocidal acts that our government has orchestrated in Gaza, where amid an ongoing blockage of the Rafah crossing and regular bombings since the ceasefire, the occupier took 22 more lives in a Gaza airstrike last week. We are seeing the latest repeat of a cycle, the same cycle that the aggressors brought about during the first ceasefire from January to March of this year. In this routine, the White House and the occupier make a show of supposedly having agreed to “peace,” continuously violate the ceasefire, and then re-start the normal levels of mass murder. 

The hope of the extermination’s perpetrators is that this time, the pro-Palestine movement will be more fatigued than it was then, letting them speed up the killing. When one looks at this from the perspective of the resistance, though, they are not of the mindset to become fatigued about fighting for Palestine. Because by connecting our movements to the actual Palestinian struggle, and learning from the experiences of Palestine’s freedom fighters, we find that the picture before us is not static. The enemy may be able to repeat its past tactics, but it cannot turn back the historical process, and reverse the Zionist unraveling which got accelerated with Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.

One piece of context which has been kept from us by the imperialist media, and that becomes visible when you follow the activities of the resistance, is that both ceasefires were truly the product of Palestine’s strengths in fighting back. Every time the occupier and its Washington backers have pulled back, it’s been due to the efforts of those who are combating it, with Gaza’s armed resistance coalition being by far the biggest counter-force. Especially amid this latest ceasefire, it’s apparent that the occupier’s concessions are proof of Hamas having essentially already won. The efforts to colonize Gaza have obviously not stopped, but the fact that the occupier still hasn’t managed to fulfill its goals in Gaza is itself proof of an irreversible Palestinian strategic victory. All future escalations by the occupier can only have the effect of further weakening Zionism, and a key reason for this is that Gaza has shown it will never be subdued. The aggressor’s investment in Gaza will never pay off, and its crimes can only continue backfiring.

The resistance coalition couldn’t have gained this level of strength if it hadn’t embraced a practice of principled, sustainable reconciliation among former factional enemies; a practice that every revolutionary movement must learn from. As Noel Bamen explains in his essay which debunks common myths about Hamas, it is not true that Hamas has sabotaged the Palestinian left; what’s happened is that it’s responded to sectarianism which its past opponents on the left haven’t truly been able to justify, and then successfully unified with these forces. Writes Bamen:

For its part, Hamas despaired of the left because whenever and wherever Hamas clashed on the ground with Fatah, the left would either stay neutral or implicitly support Fatah, as Khaled Hroub describes the counter‐​perspective. He notes further that after the elections of January 2006, Hamas’s relationship with the Palestinian left have further deteriorated. None of the three small leftist groups which won seven seats in total in the PLC agreed to join Hamas’s government. Hamas blamed them for foiling its efforts to form a national coalition government. And thus ultimately also for the power struggle with Fatah, which led to the split between Gaza and Ramallah….The left must indeed wear this shoe. And even during the power struggle between Hamas and Fatah, the PFLP clearly positioned itself against Hamas and condemned the coup d’état.

Since then, however, the relationship has improved significantly. As early as 2011, Hroub speaks of closer relationships with the PFLP and DFLP.  In recent years in particular, the Islamic and left‐​wing liberation organizations have grown ever closer on the basis of their joint resistance to the Zionist and Oslo regimes: Leftist and Islamic students carry out joint actions at universities in the West Bank, communists and Islamists fight side by side in cross‐​organizational and cross‐​current brigades in the West Bank and the same is true in Gaza within the framework of the Joint Operations Room of the resistance factions as well as the Al‐​Aqsa Flood. Organizations such as the prisoner solidarity network Samidoun or information projects such as Resistance News Networks are also an expression of these cross‐​current unity efforts.

This story is so important for global liberation movements to study because it shows that even while existing under a genocidal siege, a country’s organized masses can heal divides among themselves, and use this unity to achieve victories that they previously hadn’t been able to reach. In fact, it’s because of how extreme Palestine’s subjugation is that there’s been such a strong will to find unity, and thereby overcome the internal problems which had been holding back the struggle. That exploitation and state violence are most extreme for the Global South is a key part of why its revolutionary movements are so far ahead of the ones in the imperial countries; it’s a product of the principle that Stalin explained in The Foundations of Leninism, where the countries most liable to first experience revolutions are the ones in which global capital’s chain is weakest.

The Palestinian struggle has been able to take advantage of the weaknesses within Zionist capital. Prior to Al-Aqsa Flood, the economy of so-called “Israel” appeared strong, but as soon as the resistance advanced its anti-colonial war, the Zionist structure began to crumble. The occupier’s resources became spread too thin, its economy experienced major capital flight, and former Zionist allies in the Global South like Colombia exacerbated the damage to “Israel” by cutting it off from important energy imports. Normal life for the Jewish colonizers in Palestine couldn’t continue, these colonizers began moving back to their real home countries, and the panicked Zionist state had to create a law that banned them from leaving. 

It turned out that Zionist capital couldn’t stand on its own, which was always obvious when one considered how its entire “strength” always came from being propped up by U.S. finance capital. The power balance in Palestine, and in the world as a whole, got thrown into question amid unexpected gains for the Palestinian revolutionary forces.

The collapse of Zionist colonizer society has continued since the ceasefire, which is another piece of context that proves the success of the resistance. It also demonstrates another way in which the perceived advantages of the enemy are an illusion. The occupier, and the global hegemon that it relies on, are not as in control as they want us to believe. When they repeat their routine of faking interest in “peace,” then using a ceasefire as an opening for more attacks, they are not operating from a place of security. They’re using whatever methods they can to terrorize Palestine and the world, and thereby make Washington appear strong when really it’s not; which is the broader strategy that’s been behind all of the Trump White House’s imperialist aggressions. 

I am not advocating for bravado when I say these things; bravado is something we need to avoid, we can only recognize victories that our side has objectively gained. I only seek to illuminate the parts of this story that the Zionists want hidden, and that give us a real sense of the strategic situation. If we study how the Palestinian resistance has gained victories, if we study the historical materialist principles that determine how revolutionary struggles succeed, then we will not have to go into this fight’s next phase while flailing in the dark. We will have a guiding light, even as the imperial state further intensifies its efforts to crush us. Our movement can survive the next crackdowns, and provide critical parts of the global support that Palestine will need to triumph.

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