Tuesday, October 21, 2025

Communists are in place to win America’s masses, & this could only happen when we created our own platform


When I say Marxists have created a platform of their own, I’m referring to a process that’s occurred far beyond the mainstream discourse realms. That’s involved a battle against the pro-imperialist forces which have tried so hard to capture Marxism, and prevent real Marxists from having a platform so that they can act as the new faces of Marxist theory.

Marxists have been gaining great amounts of influence on social media, with Jackson Hinkle’s success being one of the main examples of this trend. This is the part of the platform-building mission that involves gaining a great following; and as I’ve written about, Jackson is someone we need to study in order to succeed at winning the numbers game. To know why Jackson has been able to bring Marxism to such a large audience, though, we need to understand the obstacles which the communist movement had been facing prior to this development. For Marxism to become as relevant as it is now, it needed to combat the liberal co-optation which kept it marginal for so long.

Losurdo explained how this co-optation occurred, and why it made Marxism unable to be sold to the masses for as long as “Marxism” was presented in such a liberalized way. Referring to Losurdo, Prince Kapone summarizes the ways that “Marxism” came to be treated as a bourgeois academic theory, with the liberal capitalist platforms adopting it as a propaganda tool:


Western Marxism, he argues, is the ideological excretion of the imperial core’s class contradictions. It is a product of the global wage differential that enabled the rise of a labor aristocracy in the West, and of the professional-managerial intelligentsia that floated atop it. These are not merely cultural workers with opinions. They are salaried functionaries of the knowledge economy, whose radicalism rarely leaves the page. They do not want to overthrow capitalism—they want tenure within it. Their Marxism is not a weapon, but a credential. This is why, as Losurdo shows, the CIA had no problem funding them. Through cultural fronts like the Congress for Cultural Freedom, imperialism propped up a “respectable Left” that would attack socialism in the name of critique while advancing the ideological aims of the empire. The real enemies—Leninists, Maoists, anti-imperialist revolutionaries—were demonized as Stalinists, totalitarians, or worse. But Adorno? Arendt? Marcuse? They were safe. Because their Marxism had already been defanged—stripped of its class allegiance, its organizational form, its revolutionary horizon. What remained was critique without consequence, rebellion without power, theory without teeth.


What was the outcome of this process where Marxism became robbed of its substance and its platform? As explained by Losurdo, it was for the bulk of self-described “Marxist” commentators and leaders in the west to get behind U.S. imperialism’s crimes against the formerly colonized world:


Reduced to a religion, and indeed a religion of evasion, Western Marxism cannot provide an answer to the problems of the present, particularly the worsening of the international situation. We have seen what has happened in the past few years. On the occasion of the war against Libya in 2011, authoritative organs of the Western press recognized its neocolonial character. Neocolonial and bloody. An eminent French philosopher, very distant from Marxism, observed, "today we know that the war resulted in at least 30,000 deaths, against 300 victims of the initial repression" carried out by Qaddafi. According to other estimates, the toll of the NATO intervention would be even greater. And the tragedy continues: the country has been destroyed, and people have been forced to choose between desperation at home or fleeing to the unknown, which could be fatal. 


I am not aware of any exponent of "Western Marxism" or of "Libertarian Western Marxism" that denounced this horror. Indeed, a personality such as Rossana Rossanda, who, as the founder of the communist daily Il Manifesto can be included in the category of "Western Marxism" or "Libertarian Western Marxism," went to the very threshold of calling for armed intervention against Qaddafi's Libya. It is a threshold that Susanna Camusso, Secretary-General of the CGIL—a union federation that has left long behind its onetime links to the Communist Party and to Eastern Marxism—happily crossed over.


It’s this problem within the communist movement, where the supposed representatives of Marxism act in tandem with liberal pro-imperialists, that’s right now threatening to splinter the antiwar movement at a critical moment. For many years, the Trotskyists in the International Marxist Tendency have been working to spread slanders against Venezuela’s revolutionary government, omitting the role of Washington’s sanctions so that they can dishonestly blame Maduro for the economic crisis. And the supposedly Marxist-Leninist KKE has been platforming these lies, to the effect of turning numerous other communist parties against Venezuela. 


Now that U.S. imperialism has decided it will invade Venezuela if it can get away with this, the question of supporting the Bolivarian revolution has been forced to the forefront. These western Marxist forces are playing a role of saboteurs on the empire’s behalf; but we within the communist movement’s principled elements can rescue the workers struggle from their destructive influence.


The advantage we have against the social chauvinists is that their politics are designed to be isolating from the masses, while our politics are capable of winning the masses over. I say our politics are “capable of” succeeding in mass work because our success can only come if we properly understand our mission. Though we have examples of such effectiveness among communists who take our anti-imperialist positions, those examples could only come into being via serious investigations of the given conditions. 


Jackson Hinkle didn’t gain such a following simply by taking the correct stances on Palestine, China, Venezuela, etc; there are plenty of figures in alternative media who take the same positions, but have failed to connect with the audiences that Jackson has reached. For a communist to be effective, they can’t merely repeat a series of correct statements and expect to win; they have to learn from political practice, as explained by Mao:


Often, correct knowledge can be arrived at only after many repetitions of the process leading from matter to consciousness and then back to matter, that is, leading from practice to knowledge and then back to practice. Such is the Marxist theory of knowledge, the dialectical materialist theory of knowledge. Among our comrades there are many who do not yet understand this theory of knowledge. When asked the sources of their ideas, opinions, policies, methods, plans and conclusions, eloquent speeches and long articles they consider the questions strange and cannot answer it. Nor do they comprehend that matter, can be transformed into consciousness and consciousness into matter, although such leaps are phenomena of everyday life. It is therefore necessary to educate our comrades in the dialectical materialist theory of knowledge, so that they can orientate their thinking correctly, become good at investigation and study and at summing up experience, overcome difficulties, commit fewer mistakes, do their work better


The essence of why Jackson could tap into audiences which most alt media couldn’t, even though on the surface he shares the same ideas as these other sources of commentary, is that he wasn’t following the standard formula for “dissident” media. And he certainly wasn’t following the rhetorical standards of the stagnant, KKE-aligned CPs. The way that I would summarize the style which Jackson represents is “American Wild West”; it’s not tethered to the left vs. right dichotomy, and it’s not a rote copying of existing theories. It’s a raw appeal towards the desires of the world’s people for throwing off imperial rule. The story of Jackson Hinkle proves that the “American Wild West” is greatly attractive to broad masses across the globe; and ultimately, I believe it’s how communists will bring America’s own people to Marxism. 


The only reason why such Wild West Marxism has gained a following around the world, but not yet so much in America itself, is because America needs some time to sufficiently build its revolutionary forces back up. In the empire’s core, the CIA has been able to dismantle the authentic workers movement with particular thoroughness, and set up an especially insidious establishment of fake “Marxism.” But if America has already been able to produce an authentic Marxist tendency which appeals to so much of the globe’s masses, and does so by taking advantage of the wildness inherent to America, then America’s communists are in position to win over our own people next.

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Sunday, October 19, 2025

George Jackson knew state terror like this was coming, & he gave us clarity on how to resist this terror


To George Jackson, it was obvious that the USA had already been a fascist state, and that this state would revert to open terror as soon as a threat to capital appeared. This was the reality that he and his partners in the struggle lived through when the FBI systematically killed off the Black Panther Party’s leadership, and turned numerous surviving Black revolutionaries into political prisoners. Jackson’s prescription for how to fight back against fascism was drastic, so much that I won’t directly quote all of what Jackson said about this. He advocated for resistance in an extremely blunt way that I imagine many would agree with, but would be risky to repeat in our current political climate. This shows how much the First Amendment has been eroded. However, we can still study his ideas, and incorporate them into a synthesis on how to fight back against what our government is doing.

Fascism, said Jackson, comes in different dimensions. There’s the idealistic, infantile movement that was created by finance capitalist tools like Hitler and Mussolini. There’s the openly terroristic dictatorship that fascism imposes when it comes to power. Then there’s the fascism that’s become solidified enough for it to disguise itself as democracy, which is how Jackson viewed the conditions of the United States. 

About the open terroristic form, Jackson wrote: “The second dimension would come after they’ve seized power, but were yet insecure. That’s the spectacular stage that we see on T.V., that we see in the movies, where doors are kicked down and people are being machined-gunned, herded off to camps– like here in this country, put in jails– the Communist Party banned, and forced to write into their constitution a statement that went like this, ‘Anyone who advocates the violent overthrow of the United States is subject to expulsion from the Party.’” Jackson described how this “spectacular” type of fascism became visible when 

a real opposition party did come into existence. The BPP, Black Panther Party. What happened?…They reverted back to the second stage, back to the second dimension. They were kicking doors in and killing people. It’s pretty obvious, it's pretty obvious that mature fascism exists in this country and it exists in disguise…You’ve heard of Ho Chi Minh’s line, I think he wrote it while he was in prison, it goes something like this, in part: “When the prison gates blow open, the real dragon will fly out.” You’ve heard that. Panther was a counter-terror. The first act of terror was committed against us. I understand, I’ve read all the arguments about violence being immature, and violence being non-scientific; but of course, I disagree.

Again, I won’t quote the things he said that were more upfront than this, but the essence of his message is apparent: when the oppressors attack you, it is right to do whatever you need in order to defend yourself. The practice of the BPP reflected this philosophy, and the BPP made sure that everyone saw this practice. Maybe the most iconic photograph of the Panthers is them holding rifles in front of the California capitol. They put forth images and rhetoric designed to show that they were ready for a fight. And this had benefits in certain areas, as it helped gain them attention and recruits. Yet it also meant sacrificing their opportunities for tactical secrecy. This is the biggest problem with a practice of openly advertising your armed activities, moreso than the issue of provoking faster repression; when you show the enemy your greatest strengths, you’ve given them a clear idea of what they’re up against.

This is where the need for a synthesis comes in, because just because the BPP engaged in these errors, doesn’t mean Jackson’s ideas about resistance are wrong. Jackson takes the same position on self-defense that’s advanced by the Palestinian armed resistance, and all the other national liberation struggles which serious revolutionaries act in solidarity with. The Panthers applied this defensive principle in a way that was flawed, but the principle itself is something we need to adhere to. And it’s by examining the BPP’s mistakes that we can figure out how to take example from the party’s successes.

To apply Jackson’s advice for fighting fascism, we must understand that there are different types of state violence and control being advanced simultaneously. We’re definitely seeing a rise in the blunt, spectacular types of ruling-class violence. Yet the American imperial state continues to maintain the kind of normalcy that gives it an inherent advantage over any openly militant revolutionary project. So even though the present conditions make serious militancy appropriate, even moreso than they’ve been in the “normal” eras of capitalism, to brazenly display such militancy would tactically backfire. This was true in the time of the Panthers, and it’s even truer now, when surveillance technology has advanced exponentially compared to just a few decades ago.

It’s necessary to emphasize this need for caution in what we do, and in what we show, because at the moment there is a risk that organizing spaces will soon come to be majorly infected with adventurism. Adventurism of a particularly dangerous kind, where ultra-leftist forces are able to exploit the fears of a crackdown and rally organizers towards above-ground illegal actions. This is the role of “antifa” as it actually exists: to get activists to walk into the traps that the state’s counterinsurgency has set for them. We need to fight against any efforts at making organizing “lumpenized,” where a political project takes on the reckless, wanton, and undisciplined traits of criminals who aren’t rooted in the working class.

We absolutely must respond to the state’s escalating violence by becoming much stronger ourselves, and much better able to defend. With every measure that we take as part of this project, though, we must also build up our discipline and our operational security. To get a sense for what kinds of networks are going to be able to carry our organizations through the next phases, we need to look to the Communist Party of South Africa, and the other revolutionary institutions that have survived repressive regimes by mastering secret work. The guides to clandestine operations which these organizations have left us need to be a big part of what we’re studying right now; when we grasp the art of evading detection, and the self-controlled mindset that this task requires, we’ll be able to adapt these past operational models to our current situation.

This is the other part of the synthesis I’m talking about, where we take the spirit of what George Jackson said and apply it to our situation in a practical way. That spirit is important, because it’s what can rescue us from the complacent, stagnant reformism which leaves the movement vulnerable. The essential aspect is that as we embody this spirit, our efforts take on a form which can let us outmaneuver the enemy. 

Part of why the enemy has come to use these spectacular types of violence is that it wants us to react with brazenness of our own, and thereby give away what our capacities are in this fight. A serious tactician would never do such a thing. When it comes to defense, this country’s professional revolutionaries are going to diligently hide their true power, treating this mission with military-level discipline. This is the only way that we can carry forth our duty to protect the masses, and make it so that the enemy is the one which has surrendered too much tactical information about itself.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here


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Friday, October 17, 2025

America’s serial murder network, & how the Zionist entity aims to use it for targeted assassinations


To fight back against the terroristic violence that our government is directing against us, we must understand the methods of this campaign. We must account for how the deep state has long been carrying out targeted assassinations and executions of U.S. citizens, and how these operations have been disguised as isolated criminal incidents. This is a reality that our government and media have lately been working extra hard to conceal; because when the masses see the patterns behind so many of this country’s violent incidents, they become immune to the propaganda that comes along with these incidents. 

Weaponizing fear


The better the American people can discern what’s behind the chaos that they’ve been witnessing, the harder a time our ruling class will have in crushing opposition towards Zionism, as has become one of its biggest missions. We need to sufficiently warn the masses about the attacks that are going to come from their government, with the aim of not just raising awareness but bringing the masses into collective, organized resistance. 


The first part of this educational effort is to expose the insidious tools that our government has used to orchestrate targeted killings, and to divert attention away from the dark, state-backed mercenary forces which are behind these evils. As detailed in David McGowan’s Programmed to Kill, these forces have a series of protocols for how to carry out executions, and how to make these executions look like the crimes of lone individuals. These “serial killers” have used the same techniques for killing that the CIA does—such as improvised weapons, or 22 caliber shots which make minimal noise—as part of what’s actually a series of contract killings. Then the legal system and the media have manipulated the narratives around these slayings, seeking to paint a picture of spontaneous brutality which can only be stopped via a police state.


America is soon to be subjected to its own version of the Jakarta Method, the model for political mass murder that was developed by Washington’s Cold War puppet regimes. Another U.S. foreign policy parallel is found in the Phoenix Program, the campaign to murder, rape, torture, and mutilate targets in Vietnam with the aim of breaking the people’s will for resisting. McGowan directly compares Phoenix to our government’s serial murder ops, with his conclusion being that like the Phoenix Program, these domestic efforts are about creating widespread fear. 


The serial killer spectacles of the 20th century manufactured consent for police militarization, the destruction of our former liberties, and mass surveillance; now the updated versions of these spectacles, most often taking the form of shootings, are going to preclude an unprecedented purge against dissent. Our only hope for combating these anti-popular assaults is to outmaneuver our rulers, anticipating their next assaults by studying how such state terror operations work. 


The coordinated killings and coverups that McGowan describes aren’t foreign to the American people’s consciousness. These things already sound familiar to many Americans, who’ve been increasingly realizing that the official stories about our country’s recent mass shootings and assassinations do not add up. It’s also become obvious to a lot of people that “Israel” in particular is driving these targeted killings, and that our top law enforcement agencies seek to obscure any evidence which could implicate the Zionist entity. It makes sense to these Americans that as “Israel” loses, it will seek retribution against American citizens who it views as to blame for its failures; and importing the Phoenix Program is how the Zionist cult within our ruling class aims to do this.


To combat this terror, we must reject the “Jewish question”


That so much of the masses have come to this awakening is good; a risk, though, is that they’ll be led astray by controlled opposition forces. There is a push from certain parts of alternative media to connect everything we’re seeing to a “Jewish question,” where the root of the problem is a racial or religious conspiracy. We must clarify that Zionism’s violent purge attempt is not truly about “Jewish control,” but about an effort to preserve the power of capital. And only when we’ve gained the tools to fight back against capital can we overcome the state’s terror.


What we need to understand about Jewish supremacy, or Satanism, or Hitlerism, or any of the other ideologies our ruling class weaponizes, is that they’re fundamentally infantile in nature. They’re idealistic fantasy outlets, lacking the material substance that can only be found within a class analysis. The basis for a ruling class’ power is not found within the metaphysical ideas this class espouses, but within the system of production that this class oversees. This is why humanity’s entire recorded history is a history of class struggle: it’s class that determines who has the power.


Our rulers have a class consciousness, because they need to wage war against the workers in order to maintain their power; yet at the same time, they have an obsession with constructing metaphysical extensions of this authority. When elites join Satanic churches, or engage in idolatry towards the state of “Israel,” or embrace Hitlerism, they’re trying to place themselves above the material realities that actually govern history. And it’s this idealism that makes their terroristic operations vulnerable to being defeated. If the goal of American Jakarta is to convince Americans that they must live in fear, then the way to defend against this is by taking away the mythical power behind these terror campaigns. By exposing the absurd nature of the elite ideologies that have produced the terror, and thereby revealing how weak the state is.


When our ruling class weaponizes Satanism, or Zionism, or Azovism, part of the aim is to make these forces appear hopelessly powerful. This is why the feds have pushed the “Jewish question” psyop: they want to make anti-Zionists share Jewish supremacy’s beliefs about “Israel” being omnipotent, and about Jews being the “masters of the universe” (as some Zionists have asserted). The function of this psyop is to divert anti-Zionists away from class consciousness, leading them to accept the same metaphysical notions that the elites use to feel invincible. When someone believes in the JQ, they concede to the ruling class narrative that power comes not from class, but from a non-material force which renders class irrelevant.


One critique of the “Jewish question” narrative is that it disregards anti-Zionist Jews, which is certainly a correct critique; but the critique that I’m making of the JQ goes much further than pointing out how it advances prejudice. I believe we need to expose how the JQ exaggerates the control which elites have—whether those elites are Jewish or not—to the effect of making the state’s terror more effective.


By carrying out these violent ops, the elites seek to make themselves appear in control. This is the foremost thing they hope to do when they subject the people to shock and horror. They’re trying to hide the reality of our situation right now, which is that no one is in control. With the onset of America’s civilizational collapse, the elites have lost their former dominance, which was always an illusion anyhow. And it’s an open question as to who’s going to win the present power struggle. 


At this stage in the purge, the Zionist entity and its U.S. oligarch collaborators are trying to lead astray those who’ve already partially woken up. They want the people who’ve discovered the covert assassination program to become JQers, and thereby unwittingly surrender the psychological battle. We must combat the JQ and all other metaphysical explanations for our situation, while putting forth our own class-based, materialist analysis. This is how we deflate the psychological power of the state’s terror, and give the people their own organizational force.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here


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Wednesday, October 15, 2025

As the U.S. prepares to invade Venezuela, pro-Maduro communists must take the lead in the workers movement


Washington’s attempt at invading Venezuela must prompt us to rally behind Maduro, and to combat the supposedly socialist political actors which stand against him. This is the clarity that a moment like this one provides: it shows which forces are authentically on the side of the working class, and gives the principled elements an opportunity to come together. It’s inevitable that such a realignment will come from the resistance against the war on Venezuela; the question is how many members of the global communist movement will join in on the cause of defending Bolivarianism, which will determine how big a role the communist movement itself is going to have in the next stage.

Because the proletarian movement has yet to recover from the USSR’s fall, much of the globe’s class-conscious workers are right now led by communist parties that participate in the smears against Maduro’s government. There are the outright Trotskyist organizations that receive backing from the International Marxist Tendency, which was behind the operation to wreck Venezuela’s communist party. There are the purportedly Marxist-Leninist organizations that take guidance from Greece’s KKE, which has promoted the IMT’s anti-Maduro narratives, attacked China, and waged smear campaigns against the supporters of Russia’s anti-NATO resistance.


Exposing these forces is vital in ensuring that the communist movement takes on a positive role within the fight for Venezuela’s sovereignty. To be effective in this ideological struggle, though, we need to explain why the communist movement’s history proves our pro-Maduro position to be correct. Which will give the ranks of these flawed communist parties a greater reason to join with us, and give the broader supporters of anti-imperialist politics a greater reason to become communists.


Part of this historical basis can be found in the national liberation struggles that have been waged by Juche Korea, and that the DPRK’s theoreticians have written about. Kim Il Sung addressed the same arguments that the anti-Maduro camp is now making; he accounted for how there are different categories of anti-imperialist leaders, and explained why we need to join in a united front with these leaders all the same:


True, there may be various categories of people among those who oppose imperialism. Some may be active against imperialism, others may vacillate in the anti-imperialist struggle, and still others may join in the anti-imperialist struggle reluctantly under the pressure from their own people and the peoples of the world. But, whatever their motives, it is necessary to enlist all these forces except the henchmen of imperialism in the anti-U.S. joint struggle. If more forces, though inconsistent and unsteady, are drawn into the anti-U.S. joint struggle to isolate U.S. imperialism to the largest possible extent and deal blows to it by joint action, that will be a good thing and by no means a bad thing. Those who avoid the anti-imperialist struggle should be induced to turn out in the struggle against imperialism and those who are passive encouraged to be positive in the anti-imperialist struggle. To split the anti-U.S. united front or reject the anti-U.S. joint action will only bring a serious consequence of weakening the anti-imperialist, anti-U.S. struggle.


Maduro doesn’t even fall under the category of a leader who vacillates in the struggle; he solidly falls in the camp of being active against the empire. This becomes apparent when we expose the smears that the anti-Maduro elements have put forth. A big part of the IMT’s case against Maduro is that he’s supposedly fallen into the patterns of IMF reforms; in fact, as Washington has tightened the sanctions, Maduro has adopted a stronger posture in resisting the pressures towards austerity. The arguments from the anti-Maduro socialists have relied on blatantly omitting the role the sanctions have played, and construing a narrative where Maduro is responsible for the country’s economic crisis—which is the same story that the U.S. State Department tells.


By refuting this propaganda, we can help the global communist movement re-learn the basic knowledge about national liberation struggle which figures like Kim Il Sung provided it with, but which far too much of it has forgotten. The dogmatic opportunist forces within the socialist sphere have always been there, but it was when the USSR fell that they could become predominant within the communist parties that aren’t in power. The KKE itself was originally the opposite of what it is now; it was the party that led Greece’s anti-fascist resistance, and almost carried out a revolution until British imperialism crushed it. In the post-Soviet era, though, it’s completely detached from the dynamic role that it used to play. A failure in rigorous education among party ranks, both by the KKE and by the organizations which have tailed behind it, has allowed for imperialism-compatible “socialism” to become ideologically dominant.


This is the root of the problem: a lack of will to analyze the conditions as they exist today, and an insistence on staying with long-outdated frameworks for interpreting events. For example, the “neither Washington nor Beijing” position comes from the idea that the present great-power conflict can be understood through the same lens as the first world war, where different imperialist powers were competing for colonial territories. It’s a mechanical application of something that Lenin wrote about in a very different context, done without interest in examining how the situation has changed since then or which factors are driving our new cold war. 


With Washington’s pivot to Latin America in this last year, it’s become less likely that a war with China will come; but now that the hegemon has settled upon what will likely be its next big target in Venezuela, the logic of “neither Washington nor Beijing” is doing as much damage as it would otherwise. The dogmatic opportunist elements are working to split the workers movement when it needs to be unified the most, instigating hostility towards the revolutionary project that’s under the most urgent threat right now.


The only path forward for the Bolivarian revolution and its global supporters is to form a united front, one which can wage this resistance fight without help from the stagnant and backward parts of the communist movement. Our cause represents the continuation of the 20th century liberation struggles which were fought by Kim Il Sung and others; we are here to carry these struggles into the present moment. This is what we must point out to our potential supporters: by coming to our position, you can take part in the types of efforts that actually advance history.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here


To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.

Monday, October 13, 2025

Russia’s anti-fascist fight, Palestine’s resistance, & how the KKE works to hinder both of them


One of the biggest problems in today’s socialist politics is crude economism, as advanced by Greece’s KKE and its affiliated orgs. This is the problem that’s led the KKE to not just oppose the bigger anti-imperialist states, but also reinforce dangerous pro-normalization talking points on Palestine. Identifying these wrongful actions isn’t just about opposing the KKE; it lets us gain clarity on which actions to take at this moment.

When the USSR ended, the only direction that the class struggle could go in was one where the world’s workers forged unprecedented new paths. Paths like struggling for military resistance against NATO’s schemes for a renewed fascist offensive, as the Russian workers did when they pressured their government into launching the Ukraine operation. Or like taking control of the government on the basis of Bolivarianism, as Venezuela’s workers have done. These are early steps in the recovery process that the global proletarian movement would undergo after its great defeats in the 20th century. To defend these gains, and to expand upon them, we must understand how the revolutionary struggle has changed compared to what it was in the Soviet era.

Escaping stagnation


With the USSR’s dissolution, the crude economism that corrupted the Soviet Union from within was thereby discredited by history. This event proved that any socialist leadership which disregards Stalin and Lenin, or pursues “peaceful coexistence” with the capitalist world, is a leadership that will bring their projects to ruin. When a communist party leadership that isn’t in power embraces such crude economism, and fails to keep up with the conditions they’re navigating, the outcome is that their organizations will stagnate. 


This is what’s happening with Greece’s KKE, and with the many parties under the KKE’s influence: due to their antagonism against anti-imperialist states, their rejections of practical alliances, and their anti-democratic gatekeeping against those who oppose their dogmas, they are failing to seize this moment’s opportunities for building new workers power. This is why I describe these political actors as having discarded Lenin and Stalin: it’s one thing to rhetorically uphold these figures, as the KKE does, but it’s another thing to apply their practice of scientifically investigating what the conditions demand from revolutionaries. When the KKE has opposed Russia’s anti-fascist operation, or sided with the anti-Maduro Trotskyist wreckers in Venezuela, this has shown its opposition to any practice which truly advances the class struggle in the 21st century. 


Within the socialist movement, the KKE’s camp represents the impulse to cling to the past, and reject anything which deviates from the rigid economistic rules. Because this mentality prevents progress for the workers movement, it leaves the movement open to being overshadowed or co-opted by the outright pro-capitalist liberal elements. And in the absence of a serious or dynamic leadership for the workers, the workers will seek out alternatives. This is what the workers did after the Second International sided with imperialism in World War I, as Lenin described in 1915:


The proletarian masses—probably about nine-tenths of whose former leaders have gone over to the bourgeoisie—have found themselves disunited and helpless amid a spate of chauvinism and under the pressure of martial law and the war censorship. But the objective war-created revolutionary situation, which is extending and developing, is inevitably engendering revolutionary sentiments; it is tempering and enlightening all the finest and most class-conscious proletarians. A sudden change in the mood of the masses is not only possible, but is becoming more and more probable, a change similar to that which was to be seen in Russia early in 1905 in connection with the “Gaponade”, when, in the course of several months and sometimes of several weeks, there emerged from the backward proletarian masses an army of millions, which followed the proletariat’s revolutionary vanguard. We cannot tell whether a powerful revolutionary movement will develop immediately after this war, or during it, etc., but at all events, it is only work in this direction that deserves the name of socialist work.


It was when Russia began the Ukraine operation in February 2022 that the socialist movement re-experienced this kind of upswing, where a new phase of crises forced the workers movement to take on new forms following previous defeats for it. Between 1991 and 2022, socialism outside the remaining workers states had been in many ways dormant. In places like the United States, socialism during that era was just talk. Only when the world’s communist parties were confronted with a truly challenging question—in this case, whether you’re committed to supporting the forces which are fighting U.S. imperialism—could these parts of the movement gain a dynamic role. This was the moment when forces such as the KKE revealed their opportunistic character to an unprecedented extent, while other forces got an opportunity to demonstrate their principles. 


The new test that Palestine has presented


The litmus test of supporting the Russian anti-fascist resistance still applies, and is still a central aspect of working-class politics. But as the Ukraine war has continued, and has helped catalyze equally important events like Palestine’s Al-Aqsa Flood operation, the revolutionary struggle’s participants have needed to keep rapidly adapting. To remain on the side of progress in a time when our conflicts are accelerating on all fronts, one has had to support the Palestinian resistance amid intense Zionist pressure; to keep centering the Gaza genocide even when this isn’t the trendy thing to cover; to emphasize and advance class struggle when this isn’t a major priority in “alt media” or “multipolarist” spaces. 


These are the duties we’ve found ourselves tasked with during the Trump 2.0 era, where even as the globe’s anti-imperialist forces have been making great progress, there have also emerged powerful opportunistic forces that threaten to pull anti-imperialists in self-defeating directions. The notion that we need to side with the second Trump administration against the liberal wing of our ruling class has been very heavily pushed within our spaces, taking scrutiny on Palestine away from the White House at the most critical moments in this extermination. 


The present moment may be the most important one yet. This is when the U.S. empire has activated its plan to portray Gaza as having reached “peace,” while using this as a cover to accelerate Palestine’s destruction. This doesn’t mean the empire has full control over the situation; it’s had to respond to the indomitable strength of Gaza’s resistance, and this attempt at covering up the ongoing genocide is its best hope for getting to a “Final Solution” on Palestine. We need to expose how “Israel” is still bombing Gaza, still occupying large parts of it, and still imposing a siege that’s starving Gaza’s people. We must show the world that the Palestinian resistance fighters continue to deal blows against the aggressors, while building up the movements towards getting humanitarian aid to the genocide’s victims and economically cutting off “Israel.” 


These are among the practices that we need to keep at the forefront of what we do. If we neglect these tasks, and only support Palestine in words while failing to fight for it in practice, we’ll fall into a new type of stagnation—even if we have a political line that supports Russia. It was the progression in Palestine’s anti-colonial war, marked by the great strategic victory of October 7, that gave pro-Russian political actors the opportunity to impact history on a more practical level. Backing Russia was in itself revolutionary, but with the unprecedented global momentum behind Palestine’s liberation, we could now take on a direct role in advancing the anti-imperialist struggle which Russia is part of.


Unsurprisingly, the KKE has also failed the Palestine test. It hasn’t just failed this test because it stands against the broader anti-imperialist forces, though this is certainly one problem with its positions. The main problem with the KKE’s stance on Palestine is that it recognizes the Zionist entity’s “right” to exist. This is the message within the KKE’s statement about how to view the role of the “Israeli” people: “The KKE expressed its full solidarity with and support for the Palestinian people and their need to have their own state and be masters in their own land, while pointing out that the victim of the policy pursued by the bourgeois state of Israel and the reactionary Netanyahu government is the Israeli people themselves. This statement has been met with hostility by certain forces that claim to be anti-imperialist and that do not recognize the existence of the Israeli state, describing it simply as a ‘a base of the USA’ and, among other things, do not recognize the existence of an Israeli bourgeoisie, with its own plans, and the Israeli people.”


We know that this statement advances the “right to exist” argument because the KKE explicitly justifies the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, stating: “The existence of the Israeli state is a reality today. The massacre of the Jews by the Nazis and the anti-Semitism promoted by the bourgeois classes before the Second World War in many capitalist countries led to the acceptance by the USSR and the international labour movement of the creation of the state of Israel alongside the state of Palestine.”


This is the very worst position that can come from crude economism, even worse than “neither Russia nor NATO” or “neither Washington nor Beijing.” Here, the KKE is taking the position that a Jewish state in Palestine should continue to exist, as it says in its October 9 statement that the KKE wants “an independent [Palestinian] state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.” It’s promoting the most perverse kind of “peaceful coexistence” doctrine; the one where liberal politicians advocate for the Zionist occupation of Palestine to continue, using the promise that this occupation can exist alongside a “free” Palestine.


The only effect this can have is to weaken the pro-Palestine cause, because especially in the context of the KKE’s insistence that we must “recognize the existence of the Israeli state,” it leads workers to support normalization of the Jewish ethno-supremacist project. And it’s all justified by the idea that in order to account for the class contradictions, we need to frame the Jewish colonizers in Palestine as victims; which is an analysis that grotesquely minimizes the seriousness of Palestine’s holocaust.


These actions by the propagators of crude economism are extremely harmful, but they also show us which actions we can take that are most positively impactful. If we wage the struggle for Palestine with consistency and dedication, fighting against the push for normalization that forces like the KKE advance, we will be able to keep building on our cause’s recent gains.

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Saturday, October 11, 2025

Boomer individualism, civilizational collapse, & the trial our society must undergo to rebuild itself


The society that was built by boomer individualism never had any chance of lasting, because it was premised on lack of regard for the future. When I say “boomer individualism,” I refer not to how I view an entire generation, but to the narcissistic pattern of thinking and behavior that became so prominent in the post-World War II era. I also want to make it clear that when I criticize these behaviors, I don’t seek to send a message of myopic resentment towards one’s parents; a major problem within modern communist spaces is for people to get radicalized not on the basis of class, but because they want to repudiate their parental figures. 

This trend is another example of the myopic individualism that’s afflicted our culture for so long, and as a Marxist I seek to bring my community away from it. The message I’m conveying is that if we within Gen Z want to escape the bleak conditions which boomer individualism let our ruling class create for us, we will need to give up all vestiges of this cultural ill, and commit to a struggle for rectifying the American nation.


I describe this task in these terms because though our generation’s crises are also afflicting the other countries throughout the “collective west,” it was the United States which exported the bleakness to its imperialist satellite states. These crises are particular to the countries within this geopolitical sphere, in that they include an element not just of economic decline but of social collapse. There’s a reason why the Global South is in many ways on the rise right now, despite its centuries of being subjected to extreme exploitation, while the imperialist benefactor countries are only becoming more destabilized and societally atomized. It’s because the countries that have been victimized by the imperial system are working to escape this condition by building themselves up; while the societies at the top of the extractive global order are increasingly eating themselves as the system declines.


The outcome is that in the rich countries, the younger generations are finding themselves unable to reach what had been the bare minimum for the young people of just one or two generations ago. The generational divide in opportunities is probably even more stark than that; to find the most recent and significant moment when traditional life paths became closed off to the bulk of the youth, you only need to look to the Covid pandemic. We have millions and millions of people who didn’t get to go through the most basic formative experiences, all because their governments mismanaged the health crisis that started in 2020.


When I say that millions of people have been left behind in this way, I’m largely talking about men in their twenties, who statistics show are now single by the large majority of over sixty percent. And it’s this reality that today’s most opportunistic actors are trying to exploit, often at the direct behest of our ruling class. The efforts to divert the “involuntary celebate” population towards the gender wars, or towards Hitlerite ideology, or towards post-ironic nihilism, are part of how our elites seek to manage the civilizational collapse we’re seeing unfold. 


The elites wish that the U.S. and its imperial partner states weren’t collapsing; but because a breakdown is inevitable as long as capitalism remains undefeated, capital’s best option is to prevent this collapse from turning into a workers revolution. So through their intelligence agencies, those in power are cultivating online spaces designed to feed people’s illnesses; with their destructive policies and their psychological warfare operations, they have created a massive number of social outcasts who can easily be groomed into committing mass shootings, like was the case for this August’s Minnesota shooter. The role of these suicidal attackers is to terrorize the masses into apathy and demoralization, preventing the rise of a collective organizational force that can thwart the schemes of the elites. And they wouldn’t have become available candidates for manipulation if they hadn’t been thrust into today’s grim environment, where much of the youth can’t access the economic or relationship opportunities that were available so recently.


I emphasize the role of boomer individualism in bringing us to this state because we can draw a very clear connection between the emergence of this cultural condition, and the fall of the working-class politics which could have saved us from such an outcome. I’m talking about when a particular subset of boomer individualism’s original adherents inserted themselves into mid-20th century radical politics, and thereby grievously undermined our popular movements. This subset was not the right-wing boomers, who would largely become the generation’s default during the Reagan era; the element that killed American communism was instead left-wing boomers, who unintentionally pushed the bulk of their peers into going reactionary. 


There are plenty of notable and heroic exceptions among left-wing boomers, but due to how much post-war society was shaped by individualism and idealism, even many of the boomers who desired to defeat capitalism were taken in by what was effectively leftist anti-communism. By Timothy Leary’s drug culture psyop, by Jerry Rubin’s infantile “kill your parents” punk rock gospel, and ultimately by the anti-Soviet leftism that Zbigniew Brzeziński propagated. The communist movement gave up on winning over the masses, because its new leadership and ranks viewed the masses as enemies who didn’t understand the righteous journey that they’d individually gone down. So the working masses had no reason to be open to communism, because the supposed communists were no longer friends of the working class.


For those who seek to build a new workers movement, especially those of us who are in the younger generation, it’s essential that we both learn this history and take away the right lessons from it. The story of how boomer individualism destroyed American communism reveals a critical context behind why our society has become so hollowed out, and why so many of the youth have been left behind. It shows that when you discard every aspect of what those before you have built, directing your wrath towards all which already exists, either you’ll be left with nothing or your children will be. 


The boomers who embraced Rubin’s post-ironic nihilism could be shielded from the blowback, but within just a few decades the collapse materialized, and now there is no going back. The astroturf Zionist right-wing is trying to present Trump 2.0 as a return to the pre-collapse era, but Trump 2.0 is really only working well for the ruling class. For everyone else, the breakdown has just begun, and it’s going to keep accelerating.


When we have the historical insights which let this bleak reality make sense, we can gain the direction on how to rescue the American nation. These insights teach us that for the workers movement to be rebuilt, and for America to complete its national formation, we will have to wage a popular struggle which incorporates all of the positive aspects from what’s been established. We’ll need to draw from the revolutionary contributions that were made by past generations of Americans, including the boomers. 


We’ll also need to fight for the interests of America’s working families, who are where Gen Z-ers like myself came from and are therefore inseparable from us. We have been seeing great consciousness shifts among these working families, with millions of people embracing antiwar and anti-Zionist beliefs that genuinely threaten the ruling class. This pro-Palestine, anti-imperialist trend has occurred not just within Gen Z, but also in great part among Gen Z’s parents. Even with all of the ways that boomer individualism has impacted the subsequent generations, a revolutionary counter-current towards it is emerging. 


The post-ironic nihilist ideology says that we should hate these working families which we’re part of, as if the right response towards being screwed over is to turn against the ones who are still trying to help you. The correct response is to strengthen the bonds we have, build new bonds, and use these connections to mount a resistance against the elites who seek to make things even worse. To overcome the hyper-individualism that still greatly afflicts even the youngest Americans, we will need to undergo a collective struggle, one where we sacrifice for the sake of the future. This is the only path forward. No matter what comes our way next, we must keep our focus on waging that struggle, not letting this discipline be compromised by any individual motives. We’ve been shown the lessons about what comes from prioritizing the individual; if we apply these lessons, we’ll bring the progress which our elites have long held back.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here


To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.