Washington is preparing a new series of color revolutions. Only a strengthened united front can thwart this scheme.

The only hope the imperialists have for saving their system is to spread enough destruction, chaos, and division that the will of the globe’s people gets negated. That the billions-strong effort to throw off monopoly financial dominance becomes too disrupted, and the super-rich can rule a burning planet. Numerically, the anti-imperialist has the advantage. Our enemy is getting ready for massive new attacks, though, and is going to take advantage of whatever weaknesses it can find in its opposition. The dominant wing of our ruling class, the one that favors Kamala Harris, is planning to orchestrate a new series of color revolutions in order to destroy the BRICS countries. So we need to turn our anti-imperialist united front into something thoroughly fortified; something that can remain strong amid whatever attacks the enemy throws at it, and that can therefore be relied on to rally the masses.

The situation in today’s Serbia is an example of how a reliable counter-hegemonic force can provide hope for defeating imperialism’s designs. As of now, Serbia is controlled by a comprador regime, a synthetic government that Washington installed in a 2000 color revolution. It’s fulfilling its assigned role by continuing on the “European path,” as exemplified by its rejection of Russia’s invite to the next BRICS meeting. This way of operating goes against the sentiments of the great majority of the country’s people. 80% of Serbs are against the “independence” of Kosovo; over two-thirds are against the sanctions on Russia, and view NATO as responsible for the Ukraine conflict; just 3% like the idea of Serbia joining NATO. 

Because they’ve been targeted by libelous CIA atrocity propaganda and NATO bombing campaigns, the Serbian people were preemptively ready to reject the Ukraine psyop. And as the workers in the imperialist countries are forced to pay for the proxy war against Russia, more people across the Euro-American sphere are gaining anti-imperialist consciousness. The hegemon intends to respond to this rise in mass awareness the same way it’s dealt with the Serbian people’s defiance: by keeping pro-imperialists in power by any means necessary. The anti-imperialist united front that Russia is part of, though, is prepared to partner with these global masses in combating the empire’s next schemes. Stephen Karganovic of Strategic Culture concludes that this is the rational posture for Russia to take in regard to pro-imperialist regimes like Serbia’s, which inevitably will fall to the forces of popular revolution:

There are two things that official Russia must now do. The first is to ground its policy in the sharp distinction between the Serbian people and those who in international forums fraudulently monopolise the right to make decisions and speak in their name…The second thing that the critical mass of Serbs expect from Russia is a more intense and demonstrative people to people and even more importantly at the present moment government to people engagement. Whatever one may think of Stalin, at the end of World War II he wisely noted that German regimes come and go, but what always remains is Germany for the Soviet Union to deal with. Russian policy in relation to Serbia should take its cue from that eminently based observation and henceforth treat only the Serbian people as Russia’s enduring political partner.

Across the globe, the anti-imperialist forces are following in this path of strengthening their resistance alliances. The World Anti-Imperialist Platform has observed how the world’s liberation movements are making their mutual connections more solid, and how this trend connects to the escalating third world war:

African people are wiping out the imperialist forces through their heroic anti-imperialist and liberation struggle…Moreover, they are advancing toward realizing their independence by discussing to establish a Confederation of Sahel States, and signing a mutual defense pact. The fact that the decisive struggle for realization of the African people’s sovereignty is taking place amid the situation of the Third World War is noteworthy…Additionally, the “axis of resistance,” which includes anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist armed struggle forces such as Iran, along with the 2 billion Muslim population and peoples in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, has formed an anti-imperialist front and united. The resistance war in the Sahel region is crucial for strengthening the anti-imperialist camp.

Communists like myself, who live in the United States, face a situation where anti-imperialist consciousness is rising but our movement doesn’t yet have a sufficient organizational structure. To contribute to this global wave of victories, we need to understand where our strengths are, and how we can take advantage of these strengths so the imperial state doesn’t crush us. 

At this moment, one of our cause’s biggest sources of strength is in the pro-Palestine student movement; it’s what’s been producing mass mobilizations that keep recurring, and building off of previous revolts. Another strength is in the element of the MAGA base that supports Trump’s goals for diplomacy with the DPRK; this is an element that’s also shown dislike for the war in Syria and for the proxy war against Russia, which further shows it has revolutionary potential. It’s necessary to reach these and all other parts of the population that in some way oppose the war machine; from libertarians with antiwar goals, to independents who’ve been alienated from our imperialist institutions, to Palestine supporters who’ve stopped voting Democrat. We need to recognize, though, that the imperial state is waging a powerful counterinsurgency; an effort at frustrating revolutionary progress that we need to know how to counter.

It’s because of how effective the imperial state’s psychological operations have been that we need to connect with the elements which are politically backward; which have internalized a false consciousness. Social media psyops have been targeting the MAGA base, turning many Americans with proto-consciousness towards fanatical anti-communism and ethnic bigotry. The deep state’s promotion of the far right is about increasing mass apathy, and exacerbating divisions, in anticipation of when the state carries out its next big attacks against dissent. That’s how our ruling class seeks to create the conditions for its planned war in east Asia, and for its destabilization efforts worldwide: neutralize the domestic forces that could challenge these operations.

On both a local and a global scale, the way to respond to these offensive maneuvers from the imperialists is by taking decisive action. By following in the example of Russia when it began the anti-fascist military operation, or Africa’s liberation movements when they won last year’s victories, or the Palestinian resistance when it struck the Zionist entity a year ago. For our purposes as anti-imperialists in the core, this effort at taking control of history means accelerating our projects to build cadres and networks. It means putting together community groups of trusted people who are prepared to defend themselves, and prepared to keep operating amid an underground organizing scenario. Our local connections are our most important connections; if we figure out this vital component of our work, we’ll best be in place to aid the global struggle.

If we work to win the masses faster, and to prepare our cadres faster, then we’ll have made the U.S. American front of the anti-imperialist struggle too difficult for the enemy to manage. Nobody can control how every front within the struggle goes, but everybody has a range of control, and we need to take advantage of ours.

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The hybrid war on BRICS is failing, so the empire will invest more into attacking the USA’s own people

Every part of our class and geopolitical conflict is accelerating. It’s no coincidence that the U.S. empire is pursuing new war escalations in east Asia, and preparing massive repressive measures, at the same time that BRICS is about to hold a meeting which will bring pivotal developments in de-dollarization. The project to start a new big war, which includes the effort at crushing dissent, is a direct reaction to the emerging threats towards U.S. financial dominance. For we in the heart of the empire, the way to respond to these realities is by ensuring our anti-imperialist movement can keep functioning amid the state’s next assaults upon us. 

This means getting a sense of which connections are most important; establishing international ties is crucial, but building local ties is a matter of even more concern. The globe’s anti-imperialist forces can provide us with support from abroad, while the allies we gain in our own communities can save us during the most dire moments of peril. Meeting such prerequisites for the survival of our organizations is what can let us actually bring the anti-imperialist struggle forward; how we can contribute to the liberatory process that we see happening around the world. Recognizing multipolarity’s strategic significance to the class struggle is the first step; the next step is advancing the proletarian, anti-monopolist cause within our own country. 

There are so many hopeful things happening around the globe, and we can bring this wave of victories against the empire into our own society. But this requires recognizing how much of a threat the U.S. counterinsurgency poses, and making ourselves equipped to defeat this menace. As of now, we are vulnerable, however strong our allies abroad have become. And because of how much strength the worldwide anti-monopolist forces have gained, our ruling class is preparing to pivot towards a full war against the USA’s own people. This was always the end outcome of the U.S. imperialist project: the country’s government turning its tools for warfare against the people here. To understand exactly what this blowback is going to look like, we need to look at the nature of the conflict that multipolarity’s rise is accelerating; at where the battle lines are being drawn.

The hybrid war against BRICS is failing because monopoly finance capital, in its drive to dominate all corners of global markets, has provoked the globe’s smaller business elements into a revolt. It’s subjugated countries like Iran, China, and Russia in the past; so these countries have built economic ties with each other, gaining the market independence to let their own commerce and industrial centers thrive. Washington has reacted to this defiance by starting proxy wars and imposing sanctions, so these and many other countries have solidified into a full anti-imperialist bloc. The anti-monopolist forces within the United States, which include not just the workers but also the lower-level entrepreneurs, have the potential to join with this growing Eurasian economy. The thing preventing them from doing this is the monopolist dictatorship they live under. 

This dictatorship sees where history is headed, and out of fear it’s going on the offensive. The targets of its intensifying attacks are the proletarian movement, along with all the forces which oppose imperialism out of desire to help small capital. That’s why a crucial part of defeating the counterinsurgency is to build an anti-imperialist united front, akin to the one Mao built between China’s workers and China’s smaller bourgeois elements. It’s this kind of force that can subdue the monopolists, and that the monopolists therefore are preemptively working to suppress. 

That’s the context behind repressive measures like the Biden administration’s “Countering Domestic Terrorism” strategy, or like the massive “cop city” police training centers: our ruling class is in an intensifying battle with the forces, both domestic and global, which challenge monopoly capital. And the way it’s about to respond to the gains the BRICS economy has made is by expanding its warfare against the domestic threats towards empire.

The deep state aims to carry out its next warfare maneuvers by steering the anti-monopolist forces towards false paths, and then orchestrating agent provocateur activities that justify crackdowns. The intelligence centers have already compromised MAGA, a movement that many lower-level capitalists hope can defeat monopoly capital; the feds have presented Trump with a story about how Iran is plotting to assassinate him, and he’s promoted that narrative. This development, along with the Trump campaign’s embrace of alienating culture war rhetoric, has put MAGA in a worse position to defeat the Harris wing of the ruling class. 

The deep state officials, who are influencing the election through algorithmic manipulation, hope for Harris to “win” so that they can execute their preferred plan. This plan is to instigate violent protests against Harris from the Trump side, which will be accompanied by a parallel mobilization of the left. The feds seek to lure both MAGA supporters and leftists into these engineered confrontations, which the state will then use as an excuse for more repression.

That’s how the next several months will go if capital’s dominant elements get their way. They’re not getting what they want within the global arena, so their best hope is to eliminate dissent inside the United States, and thereby create the conditions for another large conflict. It’s now apparent that the desired location for this conflict is China, with the Harris wing hoping to wage proxy wars using both Taiwan and south Korea. The Trump wing differs only in that it wants diplomacy with the DPRK, and if the election gets successfully rigged for Harris, that will no longer be a possibility for the foreseeable future. Both wings want to escalate in Taiwan regardless, and the deep state forces which have captured Trump are going to keep using him as a platform for anti-China warmongering. Their goal is to boost the pro-imperialist aspects of MAGA, while using the anti-woke psyop to push out MAGA ideas which challenge the neocon agenda.

This is the plan for narratively managing the right. For the left, the plan is to cultivate imperialism-compatible forces that advance an adventurist agenda, potentially of an ultraviolent kind. As communists and anti-imperialists, we don’t depend on either MAGA or leftists in order to succeed. The important thing is that we win the people, and build for them an organizational force which can continue operating no matter how severe the repression becomes. 

On a worldwide scale, the balance of forces is shifting in our favor. The countries that oppose U.S. economic subjugation are strengthening their connections, while gaining ever more allies across Eurasia and the Global South. International developments like these ones have potential to influence the class struggle locally, and pull one’s own country in the same direction that others are going. So there’s a growing push within the United States to connect to the Eurasian economy, and receive all the benefits this would bring. The monopolists, and their deep state political police, are trying to get rid of the ones who advance this idea. They’re preparing massive new counterinsurgency measures that they hope will ensure the next wars go unchallenged. Should we respond to these measures with care and seriousness, we’ll become in place to overwhelm our enemies.

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Russia’s Operation Z propelled BRICS to vast relevance. Now it’s about to bring the anti-imperialist struggle to a new stage.

When Eurasia and the Global South responded to the Ukraine conflict by largely joining BRICS, and by in great part abandoning the U.S. dollar, this vindicated the pro-self defense philosophy which Russia had embraced. It showed that Russia made the right decision by militarily countering the imperial hegemon, because what came from this act of defiance was the further empowerment of the globe’s anti-imperialist forces. Now, as Washington reacts to its Ukraine defeat by pivoting towards a hybrid war against BRICS, we’re seeing another large Eurasian country try to decide whether it should take that path of committing to the anti-imperialist fight. Certain forces within Iran are aiming to re-enter the Iran nuclear deal, which would again leave the country compromised in how it can pursue its defensive capabilities. 

These forces are not the only major sources of influence inside Iran. Khamenei is still in power, and is still guiding the Islamic Republic towards support for Hezbollah. The ones who act as if they can negotiate their way into peace with the hegemon have lately been gaining a greater presence, though. They’ve filled the power vacuum that’s been left by all the recent assassinations of the hardliner political figures, with  Soleimani having been the first of these fateful deaths. Whereas the remaining hardliners understand that Washington can only be stopped through committed resistance, these newer leaders are advancing a capitulationist policy model. How successful Washington is at taking advantage of this development depends on how effective the push against its schemes is. On how strong the unity between the empire’s enemies becomes, and how good this alliance’s members are at mobilizing towards liberation.

This importance of maintaining unity is why it’s crucial to emphasize that Iran continues to be ruled by allies of the struggle; only particular factions inside the country represent the capitulationist agenda, and we must stand with the powerful factions which remain principled. The way we can help ensure that a consistent mode of resistance wins out is by strengthening the great united front which Russia’s Operation Z has already solidified. By further unifying and rallying the forces which have stood behind Russia during its anti-fascist Ukraine action, leaving the pro-capitulationist forces sidelined. 

We in the empire’s core have our own versions of these foreign leaders who seek to appease the imperial enemy. They exist in the form of the “vote blue” leftists, the ostensibly Marxist organizations which depend on liberal NGOs, and the other petty-bourgeois radical opportunists that seek to appease the imperial state. We must build an organizational force which can sufficiently challenge them, and lead the USA’s people to victory against monopoly capital. That’s our task as the anti-imperialist struggle transitions into its next stage. This is the stage where U.S. financial dominance will be weaker than ever, and there will be more opportunities than ever for bringing the masses into the struggle; but where the enemy will also begin striking more aggressively than ever, and will exploit any vulnerabilities it finds.

We must respond to this by learning into our cause’s greatest strengths, which can be found within the growing cooperation between global forces that challenge the hegemon. Progress keeps being made in this area, which puts the capitulationists in a worse position to influence where the anti-imperialist bloc goes. When BRICS has its meeting next month, this will bring the world towards the next phase in the de-dollarization process. Andrey Mikhailishin, head of the BRICS Business Council Financial Services working group, expects that the October summit will produce further measures “to create an inclusive international financial system.” 

This is all that needs to happen for the empire to experience too big a loss to handle, because it’s going to come at the worst possible time. Zionism and Ukraine are collapsing; Washington is seeing the ruination of its strategies for preventing Eurasia’s rise. And though the assassinations of Iran’s hardliners has done damage, this trend towards multipolarity is pulling Iran towards further connecting with the broader Eurasian economy. Iran and Russia have finalized an agreement that will let the two countries partner on economic, defense, regional, and political matters for the next twenty years, with the plan’s details to be revealed at October’s BRICS summit. This comes amid successful efforts by Russia’s Gazprom to arrange for the shipping of oil into Iran, a development that could make Iran into a major hub for gas transportation. 

The actors who seek to become compradors for Washington are driven by the incentive of receiving rewards for selling out; Iran’s president has justified reopening nuclear negotiations with the U.S. by bringing up the sanctions, implying that Washington’s assaults on Iran will go away when Iran makes compromises. But the forces represented by Khamenei understand that the truly rational thing to do is to not give the imperialists an inch. The empire sees any concessions from its adversaries as signs of weakness, and will only respond to this weakness by attacking further while demanding even more. Moreover, whatever bribes Washington has to offer are not worth the price of giving up the struggle against the empire. Russia took action in Ukraine because it recognized these realities, and this then inspired much of the rest of the globe to join with the revolt against the hegemon. Whether BRICS succeeds depends on if it’s defined by the forces that grasp how they can’t make peace with the enemy; how the only way forward is in crushing the imperialist beast.

With these latest strengthenings of Iran-Russia ties, such a way of operating has become more likely to prevail. Iran is far from the weakest link within the globe’s anti-imperialist forces; I would say the greatest point of vulnerability exists within the USA, where our dissident or dissident-adjacent organizations are in imminent danger of being suppressed. An anti-imperialist movement exists here, and is rising amid the growth of proto-revolutionary consciousness. But structurally, this movement is not yet where it needs to be at in order to mobilize the masses, or to survive our government’s next attacks on civil liberties. 

We need to master secret work, building cadres and networks that can evade detection and keep operating if any members get taken away from them. We need to establish a vastly greater connection to the popular masses than we have right now, organizing great amounts of workers, students, and other essential revolutionary elements. This is the only way we can stop the opportunistic actors from neutralizing the struggle, and render the state’s repression ineffective at crushing revolt. 

Our monopoly capitalist dictatorship is going to react to the dollar’s next losses by accelerating its crackdown; it will use the election as an opportunity for creating agent provocateur violence, and for thereby justifying authoritarian measures. The capitulationists within the U.S. left have acted like disavowing Russia, or partnering with the Democratic Party, will let the class struggle’s participants avoid such attacks from the state. The ones in our camp have joined with the globe’s anti-imperialist forces, because we see that the only way to win is by committing to the fight. We can achieve victory, if we commit to the struggle.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Trump has compromised with the deep state, giving the Harris wing a greater advantage

Since this July’s assassination attempt against Donald Trump, the former president has been compromised by the deep state, moreso than he was already. Not in the sense that he’s now the favored candidate of monopoly capital; the neocons and big tech have been working hard to assist Harris. Trump is compromised in that he’s responded to the things which have happened to him, and to the incentives which have been presented to him, by acting as exactly the kind of opponent the Harris campaign would want. He’s been shifting away from the type of anti-monopoly rhetoric that gained him a following, and embracing more of the xenophobic culture war tropes which keep our discourse controlled by the deep state. 

The narrative managers who back Harris want Trump to avoid telling the kinds of truths that could gain him support from independents, and instead merely focus on what the hard right cares about. Which is what he’s done, attacking Harris as “Marxist” and “soft on crime” while focusing less on antiwar issues or economic populism. This makes him a weaker candidate, and directs our cultural conversation away from anti-imperialism or class struggle. 

The decision by Trump to lean more heavily into anti-wokeness, where he’s stirred up the repetitive old culture war battles and promoted more paranoid ideas about immigrants, means that progress for the anti-imperialist cause won’t come from within the existing state. It can only come from an effort by our anti-monopoly united front to shift the balance of forces. And the goal of this effort needs to be the overthrow of the bourgeois state, because though changing the balance of forces can influence how presidents act, for as long as this state exists we’ll continue to be fighting a circular battle. We’re getting closer to workers revolution; the imperial structure is growing weaker, and the USA’s people are gaining a proto-revolutionary consciousness. To gain victory, though, we have to approach this task without the expectation that any wing of the state will save us from repression. 

We should make alliances with the parts of the bourgeoisie that are compatible with our anti-imperialist goals; but it’s crucial to recognize that such elements only exist within capital’s lower levels, and therefore can’t gain control over the state. These are the relatively small entrepreneurs who lack a material interest in monopoly capital’s geo-strategic games, and who are getting squeezed out by the monopolists. Many within this capitalist faction have embraced MAGA in the hope that it will defeat the super-rich. But that’s not the direction MAGA has been going in since the pivotal moment of the July assassination attempt, when certain parts of the deep state revealed their desire to eliminate Trump. Trump and his circle were then faced with a choice: become more Bonapartist, and lead a revolt of small capital against the monopolies, or do what the deep state wants and inflame the culture wars. They chose the latter, and willingly let the deep state steer MAGA in a more imperialism-compatible direction.

There are still some ways in which Trump’s stances differ from that of the neocon/intelligence alliance. He’s talking about negotiating to end the war in Ukraine, and he’s advocating for a restart of diplomacy with the DPRK. Yet within the Trump wing of the ruling class, this desire for peace is selective. This wing wants to continue the genocide against Gaza and encourage the Zionist war provocations, as well as escalate with China.

How to respond to these realities? We should take advantage of the ruling class divisions which MAGA is creating, bring in the MAGA supporters who care about the antiwar cause, and also build an organizational structure that’s independent from MAGA. That can protect our cadres as the imperial state intensifies its crackdown, which MAGA plays an important narrative role within.

If MAGA is already being successfully steered in a more culture war-focused, pro-imperialist direction prior to when the election has happened, then we know that the primary forces driving MAGA are not going to be our allies throughout the post-election repression. Both the Harris and Trump wings of monopoly capital intend to expand political persecution; the Harris wing is doing this right now, while the Trump wing has vowed to purge communists and everyone it views as communists. We should take these threats seriously, because they’re consistent with the things the deep state wants to do. The Harris and Trump wings are able to unite on waging war against organized labor, like how they both want to escalate with China and advance the war on Palestine.

These two forces aren’t fully united, and there are ways we can take advantage of this ruling class infighting; the right wing’s antagonism with big tech, for instance, is part of why online platforms are still as free as they are. And as a rule, it’s a good thing when your enemies get caught up in fighting each other. The problem we’re now encountering is that the Harris wing, the dominant wing of the ruling class, has been able to turn the Trump wing into an asset for crucial parts of its schemes. MAGA has taken the path of even more heavily promoting the anti-woke psyop, which makes it a useful tool for the deep state’s counterinsurgency. The effect it’s having is to divert the discourse towards polarizing wedge issues; as well as to give the Harris wing more helpers within its most significant tasks.

The Democratic Party’s goal of purging anti-imperialists is aided by Trump’s calls to root out Marxist “vermin”; this anti-communist derangement works to convince conservatives that they shouldn’t unite with anti-imperialists, because supposedly the persecution of dissidents is something patriotic and anti-establishment. That’s the insidious psyop which this rhetoric advances. That narrative manipulation, where monopoly capital’s most important goals get presented as beneficial to the USA’s people, will also be used to sell the next provocations against China. 

That’s how U.S. imperialism is going to react to the collapse of Zionism: by trying to instigate a new big war in east Asia, which both the Harris and Trump wings support in respect to Taiwan. The Harris wing also aims to carry out a massive wave of color revolutions, destabilizing numerous countries in an attempt to destroy BRICS. As these plans go forward, and we see the next repressive efforts within the USA, we can expect the MAGA wing to act as an obstacle towards effective resistance. With the MAGA leadership’s full embrace of the anti-woke psyop, the Harris wing is in a better place to fulfill its schemes. Our only option is to construct an organizational force for the popular masses. A force that stands on its own, and can keep itself in operation regardless of how severe the crackdown gets.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here. 

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Nuclear escalations, the plot to sacrifice the United States, and what it will take to defeat the U.S. empire

“You know you almost died on Saturday,” said former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter last week, speaking both to podcast host Nima Alkhorshid and to everyone listening. “Do you know that? Are you aware of that? Or are you pretending it didn’t happen? Because had Joe Biden signed off on the proposal that Keir Starmer, the prime minister of the United Kingdom, brought in to greenlight the use of Stormshadow cruise missiles and American ATACMS missiles against targets inside Russia, we’d all be dead. Because it would have triggered a nuclear war. The Russians said, from Vladimir Putin to the ambassador of the United Nations to the Russian ambassador here in the United States, that this would be an act of war.” Ritter then spoke louder, seeking to truly emphasize the point he was making. “In fact, the Russian ambassador at the United Nations in session with the Security Council said it will be a declaration of war.”

The only thing that stopped Starmer’s plan from becoming reality, said Ritter, was that there were people in Biden’s circle who told him Starmer had the wrong idea. Who were able to see reality, and understand that Russia’s warning was serious. Starmer, and his faction of the UK ruling class, have embraced the “Russia is bluffing” narrative because they have the biggest incentive to escalate this conflict. 

Britain’s new empire, which exists in a neo-colonial extractive network of multinational corporations, can only stay alive if Russia gets defeated. British capital’s access to the Global South is in imminent danger of being cut off, because Russia and the broader Eurasian economy have been threatening to overtake the old order. That’s why it was the UK which provided Ukraine with depleted uranium last summer: the British monopoly bourgeoisie views winning this conflict as a life-or-death matter. As soon as BRICS becomes too successful at competing with the U.S.-centralized empire, this empire’s financial dominance will be lost. Which means Britain, the small island country that lost its most important colonies, will experience an acceleration of its capitalist collapse. 

The core of imperialism the United States will be left practically just as isolated, making its ruling class need to pivot towards a new front of warfare. The USA’s super-rich, and their servants in the deep state, are already preparing for this shift in strategy. Or at least they’re trying to; the different factions among them can’t come to a consensus on what to do next. Faced with the collapse of Zionism, and the backfiring of Washington’s Ukraine maneuver, it’s hard to figure out which path would best alleviate monopoly capital’s crisis. That’s why we just almost died: there are plenty of actors within the U.S. imperial state who are willing to listen to Britain’s absurd triumphalist ideas about Ukraine, because like the British, these actors are desperate. They can’t accept an outcome where Russia wins, so they’re looking for a magical solution that will reverse Russia’s victory. The Ukraine proxy war was supposed to destabilize China’s biggest strategic partner, making the PRC able to be subdued. Instead, this conflict Washington instigated has propelled BRICS to massive influence.

It’s because Washington picked this fight that every country suddenly got forced to pick a side in the geopolitical conflict, prompting BRICS membership to explode. And due to this new momentum within BRICS, Venezuela (for the most recent example) has become scheduled to soon join the grouping, and to take on a poverty alleviation role within it. It’s developments like these that reduce the effectiveness of Washington’s economic warfare, and therefore its broader influence. Though the sanctions Trump imposed on Venezuela were able to massively shrink its economy, the country’s GDP has since gotten much closer to a full recovery, and its entry into BRICS will speed up this healing process. 

That’s increasingly the story for other parts of the Global South, as well as for the west Asian and post-Soviet countries: they’re partnering with China, and thereby achieving the growth the imperialists have tried to stop them from getting. Because these parts of the globe are gaining a more equal footing with the imperialist countries, the neo-colonial system is becoming more imperiled. And these things wouldn’t be happening so speedily if not for the poor geopolitical gamble that Washington made by provoking Russia.

These victories for the globe’s anti-imperialist forces show that escalation can be something we take advantage of. That our enemies can so easily do something reckless, and give us unprecedented opportunities for advancing the struggle. This is the way we need to view the perilous situation that NATO has put the world in: as a moment when our enemies are acting far too bold for their own good. 

The danger from the empire’s cold war escalations is real, but the empire is acting like this out of desperation. If we maneuver our situation right, the masses of the United States will overthrow our imperial state, which is creating the conditions for its own demise. A crucial part of this task is to raise awareness about the danger our government is putting us in, and to rally the people against the war machine. Ritter has called for this in his op-ed reacting to the day when we almost died:

We were one stroke of the pen away from this outcome on Friday, Sept. 13, 2024. This isn’t a drill. This isn’t an academic exercise. This is the real world. This is life or death. This is your future held hostage by a madman in Kiev, backed by lunatics in Europe. The question is — what are we going to do about it? There is an election on Nov. 5 where the next commander-in-chief of the United States will be selected by “we, the people.” This person will be the one holding the pen in any future scenario where life or death decisions that could manifest into a general nuclear war will be made. It is incumbent upon we, the people, to make sure that Americans demand the candidates for this office articulate their policy vision regarding the war in Ukraine, the prospects of peace with Russia, and what they will do to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war. But they won’t do that if we, the people, remain silent about the issue.

For this mass mobilization to work, we’re going to need to ensure it survives the state’s present crackdown on dissent, which has everything to do with the war drive.

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It’s no coincidence that we’re seeing this combination of escalatory behaviors from the ruling class at the same time when the world is about to see a pivotal moment within the Eurasian economy’s rise. Next month’s BRICS meeting is going to represent a serious threat to U.S. financial dominance, because as the empire’s own strategists have warned, BRICS is catalyzing a repeat of the imperial downfalls from the past. 

At the start of this year, a PressTV editorial reported that “In a recent op-ed for the Foreign Policy magazine, former White House economist Joe Sullivan warned that a BRICS currency could topple the dollar and put it in a similar position as the British pound, which slipped from international dominance in the 1800s. Sullivan touched on major sway of the bloc in commodities markets where Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the UAE are among the world's top exporters of fossil fuels, while Brazil, China, and Russia are major exporters of precious metals. Saudi Arabia, Sullivan said, owns over $100 billion in US bonds, which has helped bring BRICS' total holdings in US Treasury over $1 trillion.” Apparently this comes back to Britain as well. 

The imperialists see the direction things are going in, and they’ve concluded that the only way to save themselves is by destroying a massive amount of humanity and its civilization. This means sacrificing the United States. And though the military commanders are (thus far) able to listen to the warnings of nuclear war, the elites are still trying to enact this sacrifice in a different way. A way where the country undergoes a collapse; not a civil war, at least in the traditional sense, but a breakdown of civil order and social relations. This unraveling is occurring through the engineered degrowth of our economy, and through violence that the state makes possible.

The country will experience a kind of civil war where our communities get attacked by armed fanatics who have help from the feds, like the latest attempted Trump assassin. As well as by lumpen mobs, like the xenophobic rioters that terrorized Muslims across the UK in August. That wave of violence was made possible by social media psyops, ones the intelligence centers have been proliferating in order to exacerbate ethnic and religious tensions. And when the world was appalled by the outcome of this targeted hate campaign, Keir Starmer got an opportunity to expand the state’s reach, creating a precedent to criminalize anti-imperialist work and labor organizing. 

As the decline of imperialism accelerates Britain’s collapse, the U.S. deep state is using the UK as a testing ground for the things our ruling class aims to do here. The elites want to perpetuate a cycle of division, anger, bloodshed, and state power grabs. And we’ll soon see them apply this method amid the 2024 election, which is a big opportunity for creating unrest that justifies repression. These operations within the core imperialist countries are about creating the conditions for a new big war. One that’s not intended to be nuclear, but would absolutely raise the danger of nuclear holocaust, and would entail incomprehensible human costs regardless.

It’s not guaranteed that the present level of tensions with Russia will go away on their own, without the emergence of a much bigger anti-imperialist movement. Washington won’t necessarily choose of its own volition to de-escalate; things could go in many different directions. It would make some kind of strategic sense for the U.S. empire to abandon Ukraine following the election, but this would go against everything Kamala Harris has said she plans to do. And we saw what happened the last time Trump won the presidency: he said he would end the wars, then he easily got swayed towards escalating with Russia. 

Because there’s this lack of consensus, we can tell which things Washington is more likely to do, but we can’t say for certain, as the most fanatical factions could still win out. It’s apparent that the dominant wing of the imperial strategic establishment fears a direct confrontation with Iran, because that war would destroy the U.S. economy. But there are plenty of zealots within the establishment that are glad to let the Zionist entity drag us into war with Iran, like how there are many that would let Britain drag us into war with Russia. Our ruling class is not necessarily rational, so just because a war with the Russia-China-Iran trio would be guaranteed to backfire on the empire, doesn’t mean there aren’t powerful actors working to bring about this outcome.

Moreover, there are highly provocative actions that all the most influential parts of the government and bourgeoisie seek to carry out. They can agree that we must keep inflaming the tensions over Taiwan; that we must keep backing the “Israeli” rogue Nazi state, even as it threatens war with Iran; that we should keep funding NATO, whether directly or by making Europe pay more into it like Trump wants to do. And though Trump’s faction wants to restart diplomacy with the DPRK, this isn’t something that any of the high-level bourgeoisie are serious about helping him achieve.

Elon Musk is backing Trump, but Musk is a controlled deep state op. So even if he personally likes the idea of peace with the DPRK, there are signs that he won’t challenge the deep state’s efforts to steer MAGA in a pro-imperialist direction. For example, when the intelligence centers have worked to prevent the DPRK from trending on Twitter during pivotal moments in the discourse, Musk hasn’t bothered to rectify this issue. The will to reverse these escalations doesn’t exist among the monopolists; progress can only come from the forces with a material interest in ending the imperial system. That’s where we need to look for allies as our class struggle enters into its next stage, and both our perils and opportunities get more numerous.

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The big lesson from Russia’s Operation Z, as well as from the October 7 Operation al-Aqsa Flood, is that the costs of resisting imperialism must be taken on. That the enemy is going to hurt you as punishment for defying it, and this can’t deter you from doing what’s necessary for victory. When it’s undeniable that taking a certain action will bring the empire’s defeat, as was the case for Z and for al-Aqsa Flood, this is the mentality to have. It’s imperative that we internalize this reality at the present moment, because now is when the circumstances are truly about to test us; when we’re soon to be confronted with the next phase of the counterinsurgency, and see what the price of resistance means.

Both the pro-Harris and pro-Trump wings of monopoly capital seek to expand repression. There are elements of the ruling class whose best interest is in ending the imperial order, and that therefore could be brought towards an alliance against this crackdown. But these elements are exclusively in the lower levels of the bourgeoisie; they’re the types of entrepreneurs whose profits depend on domestic industries, rather than on international financial investments. It’s necessary to form a united front against monopoly capital, which is increasingly squeezing out their smaller-scale businesses; we just shouldn’t expect these elements to provide us with protection against the purge. No protection racket for communists will emerge from within the government, which the monopolist deep state has dictatorial control over.

This protection racket can instead be built from within our own networks; from within the institutions that we construct, and that we connect to the forces which are compatible with proletarian revolution. To survive, we must follow the model that other revolutionaries have adopted when their work has been illegalized; the model where they form clandestine groups, each of them individually small, which fit into a larger structure. The goal is to ensure that each cadre will keep working, regardless of whatever happens. If any one leader becomes indisposed, or even if many people get imprisoned, the ones who remain must be prepared to continue carrying out operations.

Making our orgs regimented in this way is instrumental towards transitioning from strategic defensive—where we’re fighting just to survive—towards strategic equilibrium, where we can act on an equal footing with the established political elements. And when we get to the stage after that, which is strategic offensive, we’ll have the tools required for confronting the imperial state. If it were possible to create protection rackets within the existing state, then reaching strategic equilibrium would be easier. But that’s not the reality we’re facing; the ruling class is going in the direction of abandoning the more open “democratic” system, and instead acting to eliminate all pretenses of freedom. In this scenario, strategic equilibrium is going to to look like communists gaining influence outside the existing government, not within it. And strategic offensive is going to look like communists partnering with our allies to defeat a highly violent fascist state.

To prevail amid this dire situation, we must account for the question of territory. For how we’re going to render our class enemies, and their police, unable to extend their reach into where we operate. The lumpen elements which we’re at odds with already have this question figured out; gangs can carve out spaces where the cops are afraid to go. The ideologically motivated “counter-gangs” that the state is cultivating are prepared to gain territory, because the government will support them against us. We need to learn to compete with these reactionary forces in this arena, or we’ll have nowhere to go when our class struggle escalates further. Our enemies will have full control over the chessboard of land. We’re capable of avoiding such an outcome; we’ll avoid it by applying the lessons from the global anti-imperialist movement’s recent victories.

The fear that we’ll replicate these victories, and bring this wave of change into the empire’s core, is at the heart of why our class enemies are acting so recklessly. When the less rational actors among them try desperately to beat Russia, and convince themselves that escalating the conflict won’t bring nuclear war, it’s in part because they want to demoralize anti-imperialists. They want to prove that Washington didn’t make a mistake by entering into this conflict, Russia did. Since it began almost three years ago, Operation Z hasn’t just accelerated imperialism’s economic decline; it’s accelerated the global uprisings against the hegemon, helping inspire more acts of defiance. Seeing a country militarily beat the hegemon gave great encouragement to the people who carried out last year’s Sahel revolutions, and to the people behind al-Aqsa Flood. Next it could do this for our own struggle against monopoly capital. Russia’s victory has proven that we can win as well, no matter what our enemies try to do to us.

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