Wednesday, July 3, 2024

Multipolarity’s rise has limited the empire’s attack options, & made communists better able to exploit ruling class divisions



There’s something crucial for the resistors of war and empire to understand about U.S./China relations at this stage, which is that the PRC and its partnered countries have become strong enough to greatly limit Washington’s feasible routes for attack. It’s not in the hegemon’s best interests to start a direct war with China. Which means that though the Trumpian wing of the ruling class wants to attack China above all, it’s increasingly constrained in how it can do this. 

The U.S. wouldn’t be able to win a war with China, and this has been true for a long time. Which doesn’t just put the global anti-imperialist forces at a greater advantage; it puts anti-imperialists in the core in a better place as well. Because if the MAGA faction of the ruling class can’t realize its foreign policy fantasy, then we can exploit this faction’s efforts at obstructing the Ukraine war effort without contributing towards anti-China warmongering. This is at least true so long as we navigate our situation properly.


The ones in charge of the military grasp the practical reality of Washington’s weaknesses on China. This means that even when the most fanatical anti-China hawks have had the most power, military officials have quietly provided a counter-balance. In 2020, Jamie Seidel of the NZ Herald reported on some of the empirical evidence for Washington being outmatched by China, covering how military strategists viewed the prospect of a conflict with the PRC:


Unnamed US defence sources reportedly told The Times that such a conflict was the scenario of a recent intensive war game session conducted by the Pentagon. The results, they say, were "eye-opening". The scenarios were different and diverse. Some involved clashes in the South and East China Seas. One – the worst-case scenario – was an out-and-out war in 2030. The US reportedly came out second-best every time. And that has serious implications for South-East Asia's security. "The 2020s will see greater risk as China begins to get the capability to challenge the US at sea and in the air (also in space and in cyberspace)," says Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) analyst Dr Malcolm Davis. "That could tempt it to make moves in the South China Sea and against Taiwan. The US may not be ready to meet that challenge. Every simulation that has been conducted looking at the threat from China by 2030 have all ended up with the defeat of the US," China Power Project director Bonnie Glaser of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think-tank in Washington told The Times.


It’s because of this that for as much as Trump demonized China during his presidency, and intensified the economic war against it, by the end of his term he didn’t bring about the massive confrontation we’d seemed to be headed for. And when Biden further escalated tensions with Russia, leading the Ukraine conflict to the stage it’s now at, the quagmire outcome further confirmed that the U.S. wouldn’t be able to handle a war over Taiwan. Is Trump’s team hoping for such a war? It’s apparent they are. Does this mean the likely next presidential administration will be in a place where it feels comfortable carrying through these plans? After the backfiring of Washington’s Ukraine maneuver, it’s probable that the geo-strategists are more apprehensive about confronting China than ever. In the end, it doesn’t matter what a political actor wants, what matters is whether they can get the thing they wish for.


Many of MAGA’s leaders have been working against Ukraine aid with the motive of making Washington pivot towards war with China. Others have done so with more domestically focused motives, namely a desire to end the harm that the Ukraine conflict’s inflation is bringing upon smaller business enterprises. But within the wing of MAGA that Trump represents, there’s a commitment to advancing both Zionism and anti-China maneuvers, with the war on Russia being viewed as a less preferable thing to focus on. 


This is where the great strategic advantage that multipolarity’s rise has given U.S. communists comes in. Because of how much deterrence power China has gained, and how much Ukraine has further weakened the hegemon, these China hawks are engaged in an ever-less realistic endeavor. I’m not saying a war with China is impossible; I’m saying World War III has already begun by the definition of many observers, and this means the empire can’t commit its resources to a war against China unless it wildly changes its strategy.


Even if Trump realizes his plan for pivoting to China, and foists Ukraine funding onto Europe so Washington can better focus on Taiwan, the realities shown by those 2020 war simulations are still going to be present. The U.S. couldn’t beat China even prior to when the Ukraine proxy war escalated, so would abandoning Ukraine truly change this? In practice, what the “war with China but not with Russia” actors are doing is weakening the empire, creating divisions within the U.S. ruling class that revolutionaries could take advantage of. And that’s what we need to do.


We shouldn’t trust Trump, or the people in his circle who simply tail after him, to do anything that advances our goals. Judging from Trump’s first term, he’s likely to follow the wishes of the Russia hawks, and take a passive path amid the deep state’s aggressive behind-the-scenes pressuring. The real risk that the deep state sees within MAGA comes not from Trump, but from the political actors and popular masses within MAGA who genuinely believe in MAGA’s ideals; who want to end the wars, dismantle the intelligence apparatus, and re-industrialize our society. We need to look for these elements within MAGA, and show them they can find principled leadership in communists. 


That’s how we can leverage this part of the crises the imperial system is experiencing: by taking on that leadership role during the moments when the controlled opposition forces have exposed their own hypocrisy, and the ones who oppose monopoly capital are looking for genuine allies.


As we work to win over the types of MAGA people who have the potential to become disillusioned with Trump, and with the elements in the government that can’t stand Trump’s pro-imperialist opportunism, all the while we need to be advancing the larger goal: to lead the broader masses towards revolution. The MAGA base is only one part of the people, and we can’t overthrow the state just by making allies with the potential rogue ruling class factions. We can’t depend on either of these things to get us to victory, as important as they are to our overall mission; our work in these areas needs to be done on the foundation of a party-building project. One which brings together all the revolution-compatible elements that exist in the country. And this project can only succeed on the basis of principled internationalism; of acting in solidarity with all the peoples around the globe who are resisting imperialism. 


That’s why it’s crucial for us to make clear that we support both Russia and China while we take advantage of the MAGA wing’s obstruction of the Ukraine proxy war. We can’t conceal our support for China to try to win over the most obstinate Sinophobes within this element, because though that would win us some more allies in the short term, in the long term it would render us an appendage for the right. This would be the inverse to the mistake the PSL makes, where it distances itself from Russia to try to win more liberals to its ostensibly pro-China position. Tailing either the Democrats or the Republicans is wrong. The only kind of political force that can win the class war is one which is unapologetic in its communism and its anti-imperialism.

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Monday, July 1, 2024

The empire managers are comfortable with Trump winning, yet a specter of collapse haunts the imperial state



With finance capital’s success at assimilating Trump into the U.S. imperial geo-strategic agenda, it seemingly looks like the deep state has gotten a victory. It’s proven itself able to keep the executive branch under the control of the intelligence centers and the war machine, even after the finance capitalists briefly worried in 2016 that Trump wouldn’t be a reliable arbiter of their foreign policy designs. Yet when you look at the entire picture, it becomes apparent that this “victory” for the deep state is a hollow one. Finance capital’s being able to control Trump hasn’t gotten rid of the imperial state’s deeper risk factors for collapse. Which shows how limited the new cold warriors are in their ability to maneuver this situation.

At this point, now that Biden has fully revealed his neurological deterioration, it’s quite possible that Trump is the preferred candidate for the forces advancing the Gaza genocide and the new cold war. Even though the Democratic Party is imploding following last week’s debate, Trump’s record of murdering Soleimani, aggressing against Russia more than Obama, expanding the occupations around China, and advancing a brutal policy towards Latin America puts the imperialists at ease. Trump’s statement earlier this year that he’ll effectively work to increase aid to Ukraine by getting the European countries to pay more confirmed he presents no true danger to the plans of the geo-strategists. There’s something the intelligence centers and think tanks have been doing lately, though, that indicates they view many of the people around Trump as threats, and that they fear much of the MAGA base could join in an anti-imperialist mobilization. 


What they’ve been doing is naming the more isolationist actors within Trump world as being serious impediments to the Ukraine war effort. Last month, the Ukraine-based State Department outfit the Data Journalism agency published a report called Roller Coaster from Trumpists to communists. The forces in the U.S. impeding aid to Ukraine and how they do it. In its section on Trump, the Agency says:


The core of the effort to decrease U.S. support for Ukraine consists of Trumpists—politicians, media figures, activists, and experts aligned with Donald Trump, including Trump himself. Members of Congress aligned with him obstruct bills aiding Ukraine, with the most vocal ones spreading their views to millions via social media. Though Trump has not directly opposed Ukraine post-invasion, he has noted that Russia "will eventually...take over all of Ukraine," frequently stating that Ukraine lacks the capability to defeat Russia. In April 2024, media outlets reported on Trump's "secret peace plan," suggesting that Ukraine should cede Crimea and Donbas to Moscow. On April 20, 2024, just before the House of Representatives vote on Ukrainian aid, Trump didn't endorse the bill but publicly recognized for the first time that "Ukrainian Survival and Strength should be much more important to Europe than to us, but it is also important to us!" He criticized European allies for their insufficient support of Ukraine. 


Despite his remarks, Trump remains a pivotal figure for those consistently against supporting Ukraine, according to our survey. In February 2023, a group of 10 Republicans led by U.S. House member Matt Gaetz initiated the Ukraine Fatigue Resolution, advocating for the cessation of military and financial aid to Ukraine. Mr. Gaetz has been a vocal critic of aid to Ukraine. He, along with co-sponsors like Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, Thomas Massie (Kentucky), and Barry Moore (Alabama), in November 2022, pushed for a stronger audit of funds the U.S. provides to Ukraine.


Though this peace plan has continued to be relevant to Trump’s campaign, with Trump’s advisers having presented him with a new version of it last week, we shouldn’t trust Trump to implement it. Whether he does depends on whether he views doing so as in his best interests, which means the deep state can sway him towards abandoning the plan. It can do this by making an example out of the figures around Trump who support negotiations with Russia, a process that’s going to involve revivals of McCarthyist tactics.


The great danger the deep state faces is that these efforts to intervene within White House politics, to suppress all forces within the Trump government that challenge the neocons, will backfire. What happens if these political policing forces can’t keep control over the narrative? If they go too far, and do something like target the pro-negotiations officials with fraudulent criminal charges? This could strengthen the solidarity of the imperial state’s enemies, and provoke a backlash from the forces within the discourse that consistently support civil liberties. The stir that the fraudulent charges against Uhuru have been creating among media figures like Tucker Carlson and Joe Rogan could again appear, except in relation to these governmental deep state targets.


Even if the policing doesn’t take the form of legal persecution, the Data Journalism Agency’s list shows a growing unease over whether the imperial state can remain unified. There are emerging fissures within this state, ones that haven’t gone away just because Trump has capitulated to the new cold warriors. And these divisions within the ruling class are having effects on the consciousness of the masses, because the figures who’ve been leading or providing narrative support for Ukraine negotiation efforts have massive platforms. Tucker Carlson is named in the Agency’s report because of this. 


Like the other right-wing political actors the report talks about, Carlson isn’t seen as a threat by NATO’s intelligence centers because he’s a revolutionary figure, or because he’s consistently antiwar; the bulk of these actors only challenge the war on Russia, while pushing for war with China and Iran. The trackers see them as threats because of the ways they’re destabilizing the discourse; because they’re swaying millions of conservatives towards a position that’s partially antiwar, which isn’t seen by the geo-strategists as acceptable. The types of conservatives the deep state has no problem with are ones like Ben Shapiro and Dennis Prager, who take a pro-Ukraine stance. And the bulk of conservatives and libertarians are not compelled by the foreign policy arguments of these figures, a fact that represents a major ideological threat towards the war machine.


The way for communists to respond to these splits within bourgeois media and politics is not by tailing the selectively antiwar side of the bourgeoisie, but by taking advantage of the historical process that this inter-elite conflict is catalyzing. We need to bring in the parts of the MAGA base that are open to expanding their existing  consciousness, and coming to support not just Russia but also China, Iran, and communism. A way we could do this is by vocally opposing the deep state during the next moments when the deep state acts against MAGA figures and supporters. This will be an opportunity to leverage the unstable situation that a second Trump term is going to create; the situation where Trump again fails to defeat the deep state at a moment when our economic conditions desperately require an end to the wars. 


Should Trump give in to the pressure these attacks will create, and potentially even betray the members of his circle who support peace, this will create backlash. Backlash from elements of MAGA, and from MAGA-allied forces that care about peace. As Trump and the other top MAGA leaders act in an unprincipled fashion, communists need to show that we’re principled in the ways these leaders aren’t. 


This effort to gain greater respect among the conservative and libertarian elements with revolutionary potential is a crucial part of how we win. If we can leverage the infighting among the ruling class in this way, we’ll better be able to reach the demographic that communists must focus on connecting with above all, which is the workers who’ve been alienated from bourgeois politics. This strategy of making connections with the disillusioned parts of MAGA is a crucial part of our larger mission: to win the broader masses, and thereby become in place to overthrow the state.

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If you appreciate my work, I hope you become a one-time or regular donor to my Patreon account. Like most of us, I’m feeling the economic pressures amid late-stage capitalism, and I need money to keep fighting for a new system that works for all of us. Go to my Patreon here


To keep this platform effective amid the censorship against dissenting voices, join my Telegram channel.